Translated material
The end of the underground business
It was suddenly revealed that the former head of the Gayev metro patent patent what the metro used by the law. The closure of the criminal case against the former head of the subway shows: if you take everything without a fight in time, there will be no problems and even decent compensation will be broken off. Such is the law of the Russian redistribution.
A criminal case in Russia is far from always the result of a crime. And certainly there are many cases when a crime or a suspicion that the crime was committed is not a true motive, almost everyone knows that there are “custom -time cases”, politically motivated criminal cases and criminal cases that are being started in order to prevent. So that someone does not do something like that, a criminal case appears on him, which can be taken out at any moment and send for a investigation or on it-theoretically-you can send a person to a pre-trial detention center.
This type, apparently, includes a criminal case against the former head of the Moscow Metro Dmitry Gayev, who was charged with abuse of official powers. Gayev, according to the initial hypothesis of investigators, patented something wrong (more specifically-an automated fare) and illegally received 112 million rubles from the metro he headed.
The scheme really looks doubtful at first glance, but now it turned out that Gaev had the right to patent his (or “his”) know-how and get the indicated funds for this. The case is now closed and 4 years in prison are not threatened by the former head of the metro.
Over the year, which has passed since Gayev’s resignation in the Moscow metro, not that a lot has changed. Everything is just as noisy, a lot of people, all the same in the transition, they recall the rules for using the metro and “aggressive groups of citizens”, which the police should be immediately informed about. Just as under Gaeva, in the days of football matches, the metro is filled with a large number of police, which, however, after the resignation of the main under the subway became the police. True, to the days of football matches, the days of thousands of rallies were also added, when the police in the subway is also pretty, but this is hardly the fault or the merit of the new metro authorities.
At one time, advertising disappeared from the transitions almost completely, but later it was suddenly restored in rights. And recently, almost all metro wagons were divided between BMW and Skoda advertising, like other goods and services, and did not remain at all. It seems to have never been observed under Gaev. The trick is that the many -year advertising operator in the capital's subway company Olympus in mid -2011 lost exclusive rights to place advertising in the subway. The new operator was Avo Sell, which is part of the Gema Motors holding, whose main profile is precisely trading in cars.
Olympus reproached for special relations with the previous authorities of the subway and the gap was practically predetermined. And this is an important case in the sense of demonstrating what happens to an “effective business” when its patrons lose hard weight. The change of advertising operator was almost imperceptibly: a couple of articles in business and specialized publications, no screams about the displacement of “private business” and “redistribution of property”. And in general, Gaev himself and his subordinates behaved very quietly.
The subway without a fight, it seems, led to the fact that the initiated affairs were also "lowered on the brakes." A completely excellent situation from the Bank of Moscow, whose former leadership, unlike the leadership of the metro, is constantly starting new affairs, and former managers of the bank from the very beginning of the “capital redistribution” do not get out of London.
The Gaeva case allows you to easily formulate the principle of any power and business transmission-the maximum silence and modesty in the behavior of the former large authorities or the owner in public space significantly increases the chances of a trouble-free exit from the game.
Of course, there are also some “concepts”. Even with frank lawless people, from among the "effective managers" of the Putin era, there is respect for age and former merit. In addition, the “pure businessman” has a usually higher risks compared to the “strong business executive” or some “Minister of the Administrator”. But flexibility in this system is more important than other qualities. During the attack on Luzhkov in the fall of 2010, only once in the NTV Killera film a phrase about the “Watch for a million dollars”, which the deputy mayor, was heard. And she seems to have passed by mistake-instead of the exclusive hours of Vladimir Resin, the film was a story about the collection of hours of some former middle-hand official. And Resin himself moved to the new Moscow government and without controversy moved to the State Duma of a new convocation. And no scandals with criminal cases on how the construction contracts were distributed and generally worked as a metropolitan builder, which was oversaw the former deputy Luzhkov for many years. “To betray is not to betray, but to foresee,” said the hero of the film “Garage”. In time to hand over everything to the mercy of the winner, it seems, means the same.