Translated material
Political counter -reform
The amendment, completely meaningless, is on any reform. So the political reform proposed by the authorities at the end of last year is being revised by a variety of interested groups of citizens. Moreover, the adoption of laws, but its real implementation of it will be difficult.
Any reform is usually followed by a counter -reform. The reform by definition violates the more or less system, therefore is doomed to run into the resistance of conservative groups of interests. The realities of the political process in Russia are such that some changes, even those who seem to have a consensus, are torpedoed by interested parties in the discussion.
When Dmitry Medvedev proposed a “large -scale political reform” in December, it was immediately clear that its individual provisions would not be easy to accept. Experts generally agree that political reform has risen, but the proposed bills are half -half, and the risk that they will be emasculated by various groups of bureaucracy is extremely great. As Boris Makarenko from Inzor, “even these moderate beginnings, wrote many open and even more-hidden opponents in the center and in the places that the former command-administrative order seems more understandable and more reliable than a complex, open and competitive system in one of the reports”.
The authorities seem to be seriously configured and promises to carry out all the reforms proposed by it before the beginning of the new reign. However, resistance is already felt in full. For example, the idea of creating public television , which is discussed by almost all 20 years of the existence of the new Russia and which each time fails-the greedy owners of TV, “true statesmen”, media managers. So now, non-public battles are being held in the backstage on the topic "Where to organize public TV, which channel to leave without advertising because of this and how to finance it all." And in general - "is it necessary."
The norm on the reduction in the number of parties was adopted by the State Duma in a constant form, but was criticized by the parliamentary opposition (which hundreds of parties are not needed). Criticism sounds more radical from the opposition. Some representatives of the Swamp Opposition, not without reason, saw the real danger for their still unregistered parties to get lost in the sea of fakes and political technological projects with beautiful names. Although in 2008 the authors of the “Manifesto of“ Solidarity ”” “300 steps to freedom” generally demanded a notification procedure for registration of parties.
Now the attack on the reform on the return of direct elections of governors has been subjected to the attack.
The parliamentary majority has already tried here: the efforts of United Russia in the election law, the Presidential Filter proposed by Vladimir Putin, will be entered. And now the uniform deputy Evgeny Fedorov has completely proposed to postpone the beginning of elections for the distant future. Motivation (in the presentation of Kommersant) is simple: the president has the authority to appoint governors. And to remove these powers from the already elected president would be wrong. Therefore, only the next president should be taken away from these powers. Well, in six years.
Six years is a very long horizon for the political process in any country, even more so in Russia.
There is a big question without an answer: and who is the actual initiator of Fedorov’s initiative (after all, it is known that the deputies not only sometimes do not write bills themselves, but not always read in the Duma)?
The deputy himself, of course, is a member of United Russia and in the eyes of opponents of the “stranglers of freedom” there is already a bad person and “agent of power”. However, he is not a member of the relevant committee on state building, but works in the budget and finance committee. In the last convocation, he also did not deal with state building issues - he headed the Committee on Entrepreneurship. Fedorov was elected from the Rostov region, and there the current governor for more than two years and the governor’s so preliminary concern for his own chair seems doubtful.
It seems that the initiative belongs to Fedorov himself. It has already been celebrated with frankly strange and not in the profile of proposals, like invented by Fedorov in early 2010 of the association of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus into a single state. In Kyiv, they reacted to the deputy’s statement rather nervously. The same with the election of governors: a nervous reaction gives good mention in the media. In addition, ENFANT TERRIBLE seems to have already lit up in something hooligan at the beginning of the year - on the personal website of the deputy, the last news from January 18 reads "in connection with the position on the sovereignty of Russia, it was removed from all posts and deprived of the right to perform in the Russian media." It is not clear, however, what could this mean: Fedorov’s speeches in Media since then was more than a dozen.
Even if he is distracted from the private initiatives of the deputies, it still turns out that the political reform today depends on the fullest on whether the authorities can avoid the temptation and still carry it out, even in the form proposed by it itself.
In December, the need for reform was emphasized by the request of the capital's rallies and supporters of political transformations in power had a serious argument in favor of its implementation.
With the decline in protest activity, more and more arguments should be among opponents of the reform. And here, only the “bloody regime” in the person of the federal center remains practically the only defender of the transformation of the political system.
There are no particular doubts that the bills submitted to the State Duma will be adopted without the substantial editing of their exemption in the manner of the Fedorov proposal. However, the issue of implementation arises further. Both here, many people in the center and in the field will try to protect themselves as much as possible from the appearance of any political competition. In relation to the same elections of governors due to the nomination of obviously impassable governors from the opposition, “filtering” everything and everything in order to eliminate the possible competence by the law, and so on. In any case, the country as a whole and the regions will have the next already quite real exam in democracy.