Genocide of Russians only?

In recent years, the theory of genocide of Russians in Chechnya has been intensively discussed in the press, on TV and on social networks, for which all and sundry blame the Chechens. Especially, supporters of Russian nationalism and Nazism. Apparently, the time when these phrases were almost abusive has passed, and those who do not disdain “fashionable” formulations have entered the Russian political scene. Those who, in addition to other crazy ideas, adopted the theme of genocide. To put it mildly, bias in this matter is due to the broad and demagogic platform of its speakers. As is known, the concept of genocide presupposes a certain ideological and behavioral basis that makes it possible to pursue misanthropic policies. What really happened? There is not a single document or other fact that suggests that the Chechens would adopt this doctrine on a mass scale or at the level of national assemblies. In those days, one of the mouthpieces of separatist sentiments among the Chechens was OKCHN (National Congress of the Chechen People). Back in 1991-94, he officially distanced himself from various kinds of nationalist ways of solving the problem of Chechnya’s secession from Russia. Clearly indicating that there are no claims against the Russian people.

The growth of crime, which primarily hit the foundations and the Chechen people themselves, cannot in any way be determined by the so-called predisposition to crime of the Chechen people. Then the jingoists need to admit that the problem invented in the West, like the “Russian mafia,” has Russian national roots. Stupidity is no less than the topic of predisposition! Apparently, those who describe the horrors of genocide in the most vivid colors have completely lost their conscience, starting their nonsense from the topic of “rape of 2-year-old children” to “robbing the graves of Russians.” Apparently, they forgot about the 40 thousand rapes of the local population by the federals during the war years and that even in Soviet times, some people built cultural centers, paved roads, etc. from tombstones taken from Chechen cemeteries.

We can mention in advance the current official position of Chechnya: facts of banditry against the Russian population occurred, but it is wrong to single out Russians, since banditry affected all the peoples living in the republic in those years.

The famous fascist Belov says in one of his Moscow interviews after returning from a Chechen trip: “I said that the task that the leadership of the republic is now setting - creating a positive image of Chechnya - is inseparable from the awareness that there is a certain collective guilt for the terrible crimes that were committed in In Chechnya during this period - Dudayevism, Maskhadovism and Yandarbievism - in relation to the Russians.” The amazing ability of Belov and others like him to adapt to the “body” of the Russian people is to turn everything around. I think he will not agree if the Chechen side proposes, for example, that the Cossacks recognize the fact of ethnic cleansing on the territory of Chechnya during its colonization, putting forward the thesis about their collective guilt. The absurdity of the idea is obvious, although it does not detract from the fact itself! So under what kind of accusation should the Chechens “realize” the mythical “genocide of the Russian people”? What, did the Chechens join the brown banner in those days, succumbing to some fascist ideas? The answer is obvious, those who dress up under the banner of Russian defenders are deliberately trying to pit people against each other. At the same time, without presenting anything worthwhile in terms of personal and ideological.

In order to clarify the situation at least a little, we need to make a small excursion into history. According to the census in Checheno-Ingushetia, as well as in the entire USSR, held in 1989, the population of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was 1275.5 thousand actual people, of which 5.1 thousand people were the migrant population. There is no exact individual information about the population living in the territory of modern Chechnya and Ingushetia; in 1989 it can be estimated as slightly more than 1.1 million and 170 thousand people, respectively.

The results of the October 2002 census indicate that the population of the Chechen Republic is 1 million 88 thousand people. I would like to recall the “Maskhadov” population census in Chechnya, conducted from August to October 1998. In total, about 800 thousand inhabitants were counted in Chechnya. The last figure does not inspire confidence in view of the fact that there were numerous facts of additions from house books and negligent performance of duties by employees of the republic's statistical office.

In 1999, at the beginning of the “second Chechen war,” the federal center estimated the population of the Chechen Republic at 350 thousand people, of which 300 thousand were Chechens. So, in November 1999, Igor Shabdurasulov, then deputy head of the presidential administration of the Russian Federation, said: “Today, more than 750 thousand Chechens live outside the republic, in Russia. In the republic itself, according to various estimates, from 150 to 200 thousand remain, and those , whom we call “forced migrants,” are also about 100-150 thousand.”

It turns out there is a huge spread in numbers...

To understand, you need to highlight the following points:

1. the population of the republic and its national composition in different years.

2. migration of the population outside the republic.

3. the scale of civilian casualties during the conflict.

So! National composition of the permanent population of the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (1989 out of 1270.4 thousand):

- 734.5 thousand Chechens

- 163.8 thousand Ingush

- 293.8 thousand Russians

- 14.8 thousand Armenians

- 12.6 thousand Ukrainians.

Conventionally, the “Russian-speaking” category includes: Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Armenians and Jews. In 1989, in Chechnya and Ingushetia there were 321.2 thousand people. According to the 2002 census, there were only 48 thousand of them left - 278.5 thousand less.

In addition to the Vainakhs (Chechens and Ingush), in 1989 several tens of thousands of representatives of other Muslim peoples lived in Chechnya - 23 thousand Kumyks, Nogais and Avars, the vast majority of rural residents, and 5.1 thousand Tatars, mostly city dwellers.

It must be said that migration flows intensified during the years of crisis for Chechnya. And to believe that only Russians left the republic means telling a half-truth. And it, coupled with speculation, becomes a “hot” topic. Even in Soviet times, the number of Russians in Checheno-Ingushetia was rapidly declining. Namely, the 70-80s: according to census data, from 1970 to 1989 by 73.2 thousand. Naturally, this was not connected with the regime of Dudayev or Maskhadov. A similar trend was noted in other Caucasian Soviet republics. The main reason for the outflow is overpopulation and latent unemployment. And the so-called indigenous population sometimes lacked jobs at home. Which in turn gave rise to such a concept as a “shabashka”, when the local population in whole teams left Chechnya to work in Central Russia.

The well-known events of 1991-94 begin, when the weakening of government and law enforcement agencies accelerates the outflow of the Russian-speaking population from Chechnya. Chechens are fleeing with them. This process especially intensified after 1994. In 1996-1999, the practical collapse of statehood and the merging of power in Chechnya with openly criminal structures, on the one hand, and, on the other, the central government’s ignorance of the human rights situation in the region led to the exodus of the majority of the non-Chechen population from the republic. The tandem of crime with the central Moscow government is known to everyone. It was not in vain that, for example, the sale of military equipment of the disbanded Western group of troops of the then Union through Grozny to the East was carried out. The center did not take into account the fact that on the territory under its control, in Chechnya, there was an increase in crime, the peak of which could be considered 1993-94. And all the bravado about independence is an invented farce for the world community.

It must be said that during the first Chechen war, Grozny remained almost half a Russian city! Strange as it may sound to the ignorant, it is nevertheless a fact. It was they who, as a whole, took the first blow to the city back in the first so-called “Chechen” campaign. However, their presence in the city did not stop the feds in their quest to “liberate” the city. Why else, on the eve of the first war, did they come up with the theory that there were no Russians left there at all? This is what the federal media excitedly broadcast to everyone. As one Chechen proverb says, “when a bear wants to eat, she rolls her cub in dust” (that is, so as not to recognize him as her own). Murders and reprisals completely affected them, along with the Chechens. Their frenzy towards even those who are of their blood defies any logic! According to the Russian survivors in Grozny, they were charged with the fact that “they remained at all or became accomplices of the Czechs.” They even came up with such a cute word...

The overwhelming majority of the Russians who died on the territory of Chechnya were those who died during the fighting. Especially in the first campaign, when the massive offensive of federal forces did not take into account human losses among the civilian population. Why was the true figure underestimated on the eve of the deployment of troops? I don’t think the center didn’t know how many people lived in the republic. Everything is simple according to the diabolical calculation that it was adopted back in the first campaign, when “with one airborne regiment in 2 hours...”. After all, the hands of the federal military are freed when there is officially a smaller number of civilians. At the very beginning, such a diabolical PR campaign greatly helped the then generals. And then, who will count the dead... They can also be counted as militants, because in 1996 the media once announced a figure that 50 thousand militants were killed in Grozny. Did they really mistake all the Russian civilians in Chechnya they killed for militants?

According to the Ministry of Nationalities of the Russian Federation, from 1996 to 1999, more than 5 thousand Chechens were kidnapped for ransom. About 500 thousand Chechens who did not share the views of the separatists were forced to leave their homeland and, fleeing the “joy of the victors,” settled in various regions of Russia. Those. voted with their feet because of such independence! This shameful fact of abductions indicated the beginning of the collapse of traditional national institutions. It is not appropriate to introduce purely national characteristics here. After all, if you did the same with any region in another part of the Russian Federation, I think the consequences would be much worse. Here, at least traditions still restrained the appetites of crime, among whom one could notice people with “red” crusts.

In the fall of 1999, V. Putin, then still the chairman of the Russian government, spoke about the diaspora: “We are ready for political cooperation with those citizens of Chechnya who have left the territory of the Chechen Republic in recent years, and let me remind you, there are 220 thousand Russians and 550 thousand Chechens,” it is clear that they were talking only about pre-war emigration. The assessments made public by Putin, when adopted by officials, put them in an awkward position. When in the fall of 1999 the number of refugees leaving the republic reached 350 thousand, Vladimir Kalamanov, at that time the head of the Federal Migration Service, said: “The whole of Chechnya has withdrawn, registered and is migrating!” If we take seriously the official figure of the population of Chechnya at the beginning of the conflict of 300 thousand, then where did the rest of Chechnya, which had gone into deep decline, go? Not everyone went out then in 1999.

Moscow has questioned the figures from the very beginning of hostilities. Moreover, they denied or replaced the reasons for such a mass exodus, the real reason for which was the “adequate” approach of the “security forces” in their actions. At first glance, it is “clumsy” work, but in essence, the goal was to complete tasks at any cost, and about it, as in one song, they sing “... we will not stand up for the price.” If you beat them all, the West will revolt, and so, a thousand or more - these are statistics... This operation was called “counter-terrorism”, which by definition presupposes a clear circle of responsibility, plans, goals, etc. The declared purpose of such an operation was to save people and capture or destroy terrorists.

What is it really like? In fact, indiscriminate bombing and shelling, during inspections, so-called “cleansing operations” - mass indiscriminate detentions and executions at the slightest suspicion or whim. “Special strikes,” “humanitarian corridors,” and “safety zones” existed only in official propaganda, but in reality, death from the actions of the federals overtook everyone indiscriminately. For example, the well-known case of shelling of a convoy of refugees heading to Ingushetia in the winter of 1999. In the Achkhoy-Martan region, it became a convenient target for the “valiant” Russian Luftwaffe. The dozens of people they killed were described by the official media as “militants who opened fire on the planes, which were forced to return fire on them”! Among them were Russians. In addition, there are a huge number of cases of deliberate shelling of civilian targets, where there was no smell of militants. According to unspecified data, about 40 thousand people remained in Grozny during the assault on the city by federal troops in December 1999 - January 2000.

The first company announced different numbers of population deaths. According to Memorial data for 1995-96, this is at least 50 thousand civilians, according to other sources, 25-29 thousand civilians. Or data on the “second campaign”. In September 2002, Salambek Maigov told reporters that 80 thousand civilians of the republic died in the “second Chechen war”. In doing so, he referred to Human Rights Watch and the Memorial Human Rights Center, although neither of them had ever reported anything like this. The special representative of the President of the Russian Federation for the observance of human and civil rights and freedoms in the Chechen Republic, Abdul-Khakim Sultygov, immediately responded to this. He, in turn, noted that this estimate is overestimated, and “all the figures that human rights organizations currently state represent subjective, estimated data that have nothing to do with the real situation.” In the winter of 1996, General Lebed said that if “the state talks about 25-30 thousand dead, it means that in reality there are three times more – 80-100 thousand.” It is clear that politicians will always try to inflate the numbers, but as a military man, I think he knows the essence of the issue.

It’s generally a shame to talk about the data voiced by official propaganda, both first and second. Namely, the military and official propaganda underestimated or denied the numbers. Thus, in August 2001, General Valery Manilov stated that no more than a thousand civilians were killed in the second war. A year later, in August 2002, the same thousand dead were mentioned by the “truth teller” prosecutor of the Chechen Republic Kostyuchenko. The real picture of evidence easily refuted that thousand.

In addition, during the “second Chechen war”, about five thousand people disappeared after being detained by federal security forces. The bodies of some of the disappeared were later found and identified, but the vast majority of the rest were not found, and are unlikely to be alive.

According to analysts, the share of Russians among the dead should be considered as a third in the first campaign and a tenth in the second. The data is based on facts from human rights organizations and eyewitness accounts.

Why do the numbers differ? We can draw a preliminary conclusion that the state did not and still does not consider citizens who died during the “restoration of constitutional order” as officially recognized victims. Moreover, their records were not kept at all. This is evidenced by the difference in the figures provided by the migration service of the Russian Federation and the UNHCR in the North Caucasus. Approximately 100-120 thousand were missing from the migration system. One can only guess why the authorities appear indifferent on this issue. Thus, leaving room for all sorts of insinuations and speculation on the part of both “well-wishers” democrats from the West and our home-grown Nazis.

From September to December 1999, people fled Chechnya from “targeted strikes,” that is, from massive indiscriminate bombing and shelling. What were declared “humanitarian corridors” would be more appropriately called “roads of death.” Migration statistics are incompatible with the official position on the imminent normalization of the situation in Chechnya in those years. From the very beginning, the military and propagandists claimed that everything was fine there, and that people were being driven away by militants to create the “illusion of a humanitarian catastrophe.” But with the emergence of refugee camps in Ingushetia with a population comparable to the population of the republic itself (the number of refugees there reached approximately 300 thousand people, while the then population of Ingushetia was 467.3 thousand people according to the 2002 census), all the lies of military propaganda were revealed. If R. Aushev had not then violated Shamanov’s savage order (September 1999) to close the administrative border along the perimeter of the republic, it would have been difficult to even imagine how much the number of civilian casualties would have increased.

In 2002, a figure was made public that about 600 thousand people live in the Chechen Republic. Apparently this figure was received from the humanitarian organization “Danish Refugee Council”, which conducted a door-to-door survey in Chechnya to determine the need for humanitarian assistance. It was then that the figure was revealed - about 600 thousand residents, including those who returned home. It can be considered more reliable in view of the fact that the need for this assistance was very significant for the inhabitants of the republic. Indeed, of about 800 thousand people of the pre -war population, about 150 thousand were located as forced immigrants in the neighboring republics, and no less part dissipated along the rest of Russia and outside its limits.

The topic of the so -called housing and property of Russian inhabitants in those years is interesting. Yes, of course, the fact of crime cannot be denied, but on the vast majority they all received compensation for their housing. Some even succeeded in everything else and resell it several times! There is not a single fact of the mass exile of the Russians. And no matter how spiterators did not try to describe in bloody tones in the style of “shocking Asia”, while setting some criminal facts for the collective behavioral image of Chechens. It is unlikely that a normal person will have a desire to call the “original Russian” manifestation in the rest of Russia, for example, the murder of the elderly with “black” realtors or their own relatives because of property, the rapidly developing industry of porn and prostitution, etc. Raise the statistics of crimes of the 90s, so such an opinion is that a full-scale war was going on in Russia! Lovers to denigrate Chechens are required to know that hanging national labels into negative events entail the development of confrontation and decomposition of the state itself. Who needs a country within the boundaries of Muscovy has long made a bet on interethnic discord.

From blogs collective example:

"Nadia, do you hate Chechens?" I asked the girl with wrinkles. She reached Grozny until 1999, her husband was killed there, now she lives in a hostel with two children.

“No,” Nadia answered. “You know why? Because I hate Russians even more. I believe that our tragedy is a history of betrayal. At first we were betrayed by Russian politicians who led to the power of Dudaev. Then we were betrayed by Russian human rights activists and journalists. who did not notice that we were killed, then the Russian military, who said: "Since you are still in Grozny, then you are also Chechens."

Hence the conclusion:

1. We can talk about approximate figures for those who died in view of the absence, first of all, of interest from the state;

2. The growth of crime in the republic was due to all -Russian trends;

3. The mass death of the civilian population, in particular, the Russians in the vast majority became the result of the actions of the federal forces;

4. Socio-political claims like the collective guilt of Chechens, the requirements of indemnity, etc. It can be regarded as an attempt to rock the situation. The calls to the physical elimination of the ethnic group are generally attributed to the manifestation of Nazism.