"Illegal border crossing"

Andrei Pshenichnikov, a native of Tajikistan who served in the army for four and a half years, gained fame after attempting to settle in the territory of the Palestinian Authority. Pshenichnikov spent two months in Bethlehem and in a Palestinian refugee camp, challenging the segregationist policies of the Israeli state. As punishment for this, he ended up in an Israeli prison and was forced to emigrate from the country.

– Andrey, based on information published in the Israeli press, this summer you moved to Bethlehem, and then to the Dheishe refugee camp. You lived there for about three months, after which the Palestinian authorities handed you over to the Israeli security service. Now you are threatened with prosecution for “illegally crossing the borders of a territory declared a closed military zone.” The newspapers also wrote that you left Israel. How accurate is this information?

– The information is accurate, but with minor amendments. In total, I lived in the Palestinian Authority for about two months, most of which I spent in Dheish. The case against me is mainly based on the ban on entry into “territory A”, which, according to the Oslo agreements, is theoretically under the full control of the autonomy.

– Are you currently in Israel or in Europe?

– I am currently in Paris.

– What prompted you to break with your previous views and move to Palestine? Reading literature, serving in the Israeli army, communicating with Palestinians?

– My worldview was primarily influenced by my desire to try to understand the world around me. I was not satisfied with the Zionist vision of the Palestinian problem and the imperialist vision of the situation in the world as a whole, which are actively propagated in Israel. If you look at the official dogmas with an open mind, you will notice a lot of discrepancies and contradictions. Seeing them, you feel blinded by the myth, you feel like an object of manipulation. From this moment on, you begin to seek the truth in your own ways.

The impetus for my analysis was the study of the pre-Christian past of Rus' and Europe. I discovered the splendor of the ancient world, the memory of which had been erased by the new world order at that time. This universe has been slandered and called "barbaric." I saw how an entire generation was indoctrinated with the myth of the extreme wretchedness of their ancestors, who were so insignificant that they sent an embassy to their neighbors asking them to “come and own them.”

One of the first films that opened my eyes was the film “Zeitgeist”. I loved historical films in the style of the film "King Arthur", which reflected not only the bitter past of Europe under the Roman yoke, but also today's colonial systems such as the Israeli settlements. When visiting the West Bank of the Jordan River, I often thought about this picture.

Then I happened to see the film “Hertzel is a Myth, Even if You Don’t Want It,” directed by Rabbi Amnon Yitzchak, who, despite his anti-Palestinian stance, reveals the truth about the bleeding wounds of Arab Jews – “Mizrahim” – who fled to Israel but were targeted brutal discrimination by the authorities of this state. I had a chance to read S. Yitzhar’s book “Four Stories,” where an eyewitness who served in the Haganah spoke about the genocide of the Palestinian people in 1948, and much more.

– Tell me, how did your family react to your step?

– My mother is not interested in politics, and I broke off relations with my father because of my political activity. My parents are divorced, so I had no problems with my father. We just don't talk to each other.

– Sociologists note that the first generation of emigrants, trying to adapt to a new country, emphasize their loyalty and patriotism with all their might. We see this in the example of “Russian” emigrants in Israel, who teach native Israelis to “love their homeland,” or emigrants from Central Asia, who are rounded up in Moscow for “United Russia” demonstrations. The second generation of emigrants evaluates reality much more critically, since they do not have to prove anything to anyone. What can you say about this thesis, as a representative of the “second generation”? It is known that immigrants from the countries of the East, “Mizrahim,” were and remain the electorate of the right. But maybe the situation will be different for children of emigrants from Russia?

– I also consider myself to be the first generation. It is absolutely true that most emigrants feel the need to prove something to the “titular nation” of the country to which they emigrated. Emigration from Russia is not something unique. As far as I know, the founders of the Zionist state were emigrants from the Russian Empire, who already at that time, living among representatives of what is called the “Old Yishuv” (emigrants from Europe who came to Palestine in the 19th century), tried to prove their loyalty to the “Idea”. It was they who revived Hebrew and founded Israel.

Today we see a similar phenomenon. The backbone of the combat units are not native Israelis, but the first generation of emigrants from the CIS countries, as well as Palestinians with Israeli citizenship.

Yes, the second generation of emigrants from Russia is losing its ardent nationalism - unlike the Mizrahim and Israeli Arabs. The fact is that it is easier for the former to adapt to the dominant European culture of Israel - while the latter remain “strangers among their own.” A similar thing happened to me after double emigration, first to Israel and then to Palestine. I remained a stranger to both societies.

– What can you tell us about moving to Bethlehem? How technically difficult was it to rent an apartment there and find a job?

– Technically it was very easy. On the first day I found a job, I was given a place in the workers' room. Within a week I was able to move into the apartment of my friend’s friends, and then rent a place in Akheisha. Then, due to conflicts with the team, I had to look for a job a second, and then a third time. It was no problem each time. The problem was more of a moral nature. I was constantly under suspicion, and only a few - truly brave people - helped me. The majority of Palestinians demonstrated in every possible way that I did not belong here.

– Most Israelis who come from Russia believe that the Palestinians immediately kill every Israeli who comes within their reach. But your example seems to demonstrate the opposite. How did you socialize into Palestinian society? You told the press that you initially had problems in the Dheishe camp, “just like any Israeli would have.” What are we talking about?

– Of course, the Palestinians will not kill every Israeli. But I will not hide that they would be happy to do this, given that these people have been living under Israeli terror for sixty years. Palestine is under the complete control of Israeli intelligence services, and the elimination of any settler should be a very long and well-planned action, which only experienced fighters can undertake. The first time I went to a refugee camp to inspect an apartment, people immediately realized that I was Israeli. They told me this straight to my face. According to the Israelis, I should have immediately received a bullet in the forehead - but they didn’t even throw a stone at me.

The hostility of the Palestinians manifested itself in everyday ignoring or talking about me in my presence, in the dirty tricks of children (placing dog feces at the door). Once they even told me to my face that I should look for another place. I think this is a comprehensive description of the situation.

– What language did you use to communicate with others?

- In Arabic. A year before moving, I started learning Arabic.

– What can you say about the daily life of Palestinians, Palestinian workers? If I'm not mistaken, you worked in construction in Bethlehem?

– In general, the conditions of ordinary workers in Palestine are much better than in developed capitalist countries such as Israel. I saw how they work on Israeli construction sites and I myself was a dishwasher in Tel Aviv. I can confidently say that working in similar jobs in the Palestinian Authority is much easier. The level of exploitation is much lower and the relationship between worker and management is much warmer. Construction work begins at 7.00 or 7.30 and continues until 16.00. There is an opportunity to work extra hours at a higher rate, but there is no unspoken requirement to stay overtime or come into work while on vacation. There is one mandatory day off once a week and you can take additional hours at your own expense. You can stay late by notifying your superiors in advance.

Working as a waiter, I started my working day at 15.00 and ended at 23.00. The number of people for the same amount of work in the autonomy is much greater than in Israel - so the workload was almost not felt. A waiter's salary ranges from NIS 1,500 ($428) to NIS 1,800, while the minimum construction wage for unskilled workers starts at NIS 2,000 ($570). Bread costs about two shekels, smoking a hookah with ice cream in the camp costs about 7 shekels, travel by minibus from Bethlehem to Hebron costs 5 shekels.

At the same time, Palestinians are very cruelly exploited in Israeli settler enterprises.

– How did the Palestinian public organizations of the autonomy perceive you?

– Official Palestinian structures were aware of my presence, at least based on the fact that I rented an apartment from a security officer. But they completely ignored me.

– Why don’t official channels work? Why can’t you come to the Palestinian Authority and say: “I am Israeli, I want to renounce Israeli citizenship, get Palestinian citizenship and become Palestinian”?

– The fact is that while living there it was absolutely clear to me that official government institutions or the media would completely ignore me. They are too scared to cooperate in any way. In this situation, all responsible persons and even ordinary people are afraid primarily of each other. They do not want to be accused of collaborating with the enemy. Then they are afraid of the authorities of the autonomy, which suppresses all contacts with the Israelis except cooperation with the Israeli intelligence services. Yes, yes, that's exactly it. And, finally, fear of Israel. So I had no way to register my residence in Palestine through official channels. If I did, it would only speed up the process of my deportation.

– What advice would you give to Israelis who decide to follow your path?

– Don’t overthink it, just take this step. You need to find every opportunity to get hooked anywhere and integrate as much as possible. You should not try to make it official, as it is impossible. Today there is no well-trodden path through which one can enter Palestinian society. Today's Israeli youth must lead this path. Don't be upset if you fail, because we are not doing this for ourselves. By deciding to take this step, we change a person, proving that there is still sincerity in this world. And if the first fail, it will be easier for others. You just have to do it.

– Now that you have become the target of persecution by the authorities, do you receive support from Israeli left-wing and human rights organizations?

– Of course, Israeli left-wing organizations provided me with all kinds of support and solidarity. I am truly grateful to them for this.

– You are persistently trying to renounce Israeli citizenship. Why is this moment of fundamental importance to you?

– No, I didn’t try to do it persistently. I only express my protest against the policies of the State of Israel. The sense of urgency is created due to the fact that this particular step received mainly publicity in the media - since it is significant for the global movement for the liberation of Palestine.

– What will be your next steps? Will you try to go to Palestine again or will you emigrate to another country? Do you plan to continue your political activity?

– I will refrain from answering. I'm afraid I'll jinx it.