Many Ponomarev

Many Ponomarev. Deputy of the State Duma from the Fair Russia faction Ilya Ponomarev in Russian politics for almost ten years. He is an active participant in opposition rallies and shares. One of the organizers of the “Italian strike” in the State Duma, when Article 31 of the Constitution was canceled de facto-the right of citizens to the meeting and adopted a repressive law on rallies. The propagandist of the "White Movement", who spun half-Russia in the summer. And at the same time he was accused of trying to disrupt the elections to the Constitutional Court, publicly withdrawing his candidacy just a day before them. The persecution of his associates on the left front gave rise to a bunch of rumors and the question: who is he is a possible leader of the united left or the most effective Kremlin spoiler? The New Times offers sketches to its political portrait

On June 5, Ponomarev with colleagues in the party organized an “Italian strike” to the State Duma: the Socialist-Revolutionaries made more than 400 amendments to the rally law for several months, and the Communist Party will officially announce that the party does not and never had structures called “Information and Technology Center” and “Youth Wing” and speaking on behalf of these structures have nothing to do with the Communist Party. But this will be later, in the May Day of 2004, and then, in the fall of 2003, when the Duma pre-election campaign began, nothing of the such Communist Party, and the “Information and Technology Center” shares, whose director in June 2002 became a young communist (he also joined the Communist Party in 2002) Ilya Ponomarev, all the media covered it precisely as the events of Zyuganov’s party. This is a year and a half, every self-respecting youth activist will create his own youth movement, small, but creative. Then, nine years ago, this fashion did not exist yet. Young left -wing radicals (National Bolsheviks, “Avangard of Red Youth”, already led by Sergey Udaltsov, but still as a “labor Russia” youth wing, and several dozen organizations up to the most exotic, up to the “Red Hedgehog” of Alla Maximova) once a year went out with riot police on their march “Anti -capitalism” - perhaps that’s all. The Communist Party of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation-the RKSM, the Russian Communist Union of Youth-formally existed from the very beginning of the nineties, but just by the beginning of the zero, the organization’s leaders quarreled with Gennady Zyuganov and separated from the Communist Party, and the new youth organization of the party, SKM, the Union of Communist Youth, has not yet managed to arrange for something tied up. Against such a background, announcements about street shares of the "Youth Wing of the Communist Party" did not surprise anyone. But the actions themselves were surprised. What is the Communist Party of the Communist Party, it was known since the beginning of the nineties. Pensioners with portraits of Stalin, Soviet songs, red banners. On its first street action, the “Youth Wing of the Communist Party” launched several real airships with giant portraits of young communists into the sky on Kaluga Square. Here, they say, the new face of the party. Among these new persons were the organizers of the action themselves - Oleg Bondarenko, the leader of the "Youth Wing of the Communist Party", and his chief Ilya Ponomarev, whose liability, according to Ponomarev himself, included youth policy and the Internet.

The IT communist was primary. Ponomarev came to the Communists from this business: he was Vice President of Sibiteck, IT divisions of Yukos, headed Arrava Internet Management, which was also supported by Yukos, was the vice president of the IBS group of companies (“Information Business Systems”), where he was responsible for the development and communication strategy with state agencies. The Communist Party of the Communist Party, which has not changed the design for ten years, is still very similar to a ten -year ago Gazet.ru, which is not surprising - both sites made the same Sibintec designers and programmers. The appearance of a technologist from Yukos in the Communist Party looked more than natural. The party of Gennady Zyuganova included two employees of the then not defeated, but already persecuted oil company - Alexei Kondaurov and Sergei Muravlenko, and this was a clear evidence of the Communists with Yukos, that is, the same “purchase of the State Duma of Khodorkovsky”, about which the official propaganda will talk about the true reason for the arrest of the oligarch and at the same time About the reasons not to vote for the Communists - they say, this is no longer a communist party, but an oligarchic one. However, there is a version according to which Mikhail Khodorkovsky delegated his people to the Communist Party, not to fight with the Kremlin, but so that, on the contrary, to make peace shortly before the arrest of Plato Lebedev. As one of the Kremlin of political strategists who worked in those years recalls, began to cooperate with the Communist Party of the Communist Party at the Kremlin’s request and precisely in response to the question: what is required of Yukos in order to repay the conflict that emerges?

The Communist Party of the Communist Party at the premiere of the film “Matrix: Revolution”, 2003 The matrix one way or another, in the fall of 2003, was undisputed that young professionals suddenly appeared in the party of the old communists who understand what they were expecting a young electorate and a media medium. Ponomarev and Bondarenko were timed to the premiere of the third film of the trilogy “Matrix”, which, firstly, was called “Revolution”, and, secondly, he went to the Russian rental on the eve of November 7, and, secondly, on the eve of November 7th. On the steps of the Pushkinsky cinema, on the day of the premiere, several dozen activists in Budenovki on their heads and black glasses, “like Neo” (the main character of the “matrices”), distributed a T -shirt with the symbols of the Communist Party and the slogan “Matrix. Revolution. Neo -communism. " Then, in the fashion publishing house, AD Marginem came out a volume of the fashionable leftist philosopher Slavic Liizhek “13 experiments about Lenin”. The publishing house, of course, in itself planned this book, but Ilya Ponomarev agreed with the editor -in -chief of the publishing house Alexander Ivanov that the Communist Party logo will be printed on the cover of the book, and the publication of the Zizhek turned into another action of young communists from Yukos. Zizhek, “Matrix”, parties in the then fashionable intellectual club “Duma” - the Communist Party had good chances to turn into a real hipster party. But after the election, as always happens, the activity of the “Neo -Communists” decreased, their only action before the 2004 presidential elections was a mass trip to St. Petersburg for a rather strange flash mob: at the scream “Vova, home!” Activists in the rubber masks of Vladimir Putin had to gather in the courtyard of his home on Vasilyevsky Island; All participants in the action were taken to the police on the road (“Masks were torn from the Communists, they wrote in the newspapers), and this was all over. The last time Ilya Ponomarev and his associates appeared at the Pervomaisian Demonstration of the Communist Party in Moscow, they walked a separate column, and Ilya Ponomarev shouted to Megaphone a fashionable and not very typical slogan “One Solution - Revolution!”, But this was already a farewell; Shortly before the first of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, the Communist Party of the Communist Party extended a special statement that neither the “information and technological center” nor the “youth wing” had the Communist Party of the Communist Party.

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This rumor was most likely caused not by some insider information, but by logic: if for some reason he interferes with organizing rallies, Surkov probably asked him about this

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The Left Front Oleg Bondarenko, after expulsion from the Communist Party, went to the “Motherland” to create a youth wing according to the model of the one that was in the Communist Party, and Ilya Ponomarev, who by that time became quite his own youth left movements up to the already mentioned “Red Hedgehog”, announced the creation of the youth left front - even a loyal zyuuganovna entered this association The Union of Communist Youth, as well as the “Avangard of Red Youth”, led by Sergey Udaltsov, who has already broken off from “labor Russia”. Ilya Ponomarev himself, who had not had his own organization by that time, entered the alliance as a representative of the site www.kprf.ru - the administrator passwords remained with him until the summer of 2004, when the Communist Party nearly split with the actual participation of the presidential administration, and controlled the site several times from supporters of Gennady Zyuganov to his opponents from Gennadium Semigin and back. The Central Committee of the Communist Party then restored control of the site through the provider, and no one said new passwords to Ilya Ponomarev. The Left Front in 2005 ceased to be “youth” and in a more or less unchanged form exists so far. The most significant episode with his participation, obviously, should be called the Russian Social Forum of 2006, which was held simultaneously with the Summit of the Great Eight in St. Petersburg. Preparing for the summit, the Russian authorities frankly nervous, it is easy to see if you just read the news of that period in a row: homeless people were taken out of St. Petersburg, the police conducted preventive conversations with activists of all potentially protest organizations. All this took place against the backdrop of an obviously artificial information campaign: it suddenly turned out that Petersburg is almost the most racist city of the country, there are constantly attacks on foreigners, and if you do not take urgent anti -ejectomic measures, a catastrophe can happen in the city. By the beginning of the summit, when anti -globalists and left -wing from all over the world began to go into the city, but, of course, primarily from the regions of Russia that was happening in St. Petersburg and around it could be called a full -fledged laid. The St. Petersburg Central Internal Affairs Directorate worked according to the operational plans of the “interception-Magistral” and “Zaslon”. Potential participants in the protest, traditional for summits of this kind, were removed from the trains either at the entrances to the city, or they were detained at stations, in conveyor, formalizing standard arrests for ten days in administrative articles in St. Petersburg courts. The story of the Swiss student Adrian Souther is known, who received ten days for cursing in a public place. The judge asked the policemen who brought the Souther to the court, in what language he cursed, the police replied that in the Swiss, the judge satisfied the response. But such stripping solved only half of the problem that stood in connection with the summit in front of the St. Petersburg and federal authorities - the problem of calm on the streets. The second half was image in nature: the organizers of the summit understood that a summit without anti-globalists could only take place in North Korea, and in a normal country, at the same time as a meeting of the heads of state, at least some leftists should rally.

Arafatka, as a gift for solving this problem, the presidential administration (it was; the city authorities were against it because the Left Front in 2005 was too active in Smolny, protesting against the monetization of benefits) agreed to hold a social forum in St. Petersburg, for which they provided the stadium. Kirov on Krestovsky Island - convenient in terms of control (forum participants joked a lot about associations with Pinochet) and a place removed from the guests. The organizer of the forum was Ilya Ponomarev. The police met activists arriving at St. Petersburg at the stations and, detaining some, sent others to the stadium: “Are you an anti -globalist? You there. " When Valentina Matvienko visits the stadium a few days later, she will tell Ilya Ponomarev under the television cameras that if the police meet the city at the station, then it should be perceived as special honors. In response, Ponomarev gave the governor a shawl-anrafatka and asked to free those who did not reach the forum and continued to serve ten-day periods. Matvienko said that this is not in her power. Scandration “Smolny’s gang is on court!”, With which Valentin Matvienko was met by the delegation of the United Civil Front Harry Kasparov, was stopped by Ponomarev himself, who explained to the audience that the lack of anti -government slogans is one of the conditions under which the city authorities provided the forum with a stadium, field kitchens of the Ministry of Emergencies and guidelines. As a result, representatives of the OGF left the forum, but they were still lucky - the National Boods, for example, Ilya Ponomarev did not let the forum at all, because their flags, in his opinion, could frighten European guests. The procession in the center of St. Petersburg, at which activists participated in the forum insisted, the city authorities proposed to combine the authorized rally of the Communist Party of the Communist Party, which Smolny allowed Smolny to hold on July 15 before the summit ended. Surprised leftists wandered in the end among pensioners with portraits of Stalin. Such a compromise clearly did not suit everyone, and at the end of the rally, some of the levakov tried to arrange a procession, which, of course, was immediately dispersed, and its participants, including Ilya Ponomarev, were detained. The summit ended, and no one needed to arrest activists for ten days. Ponomareva was fined 500 rubles, and after this, the discussions continued on the forums of left -wing activists, whether the detention of Ponomarev was the result of the conspiracy to preserve the face or he really fell under a hot hand to the St. Petersburg sink.

September 15, “Million March”. Ilya Ponomarev, Moskgord Duma deputy Andrei Klychkov, ex-deputy of the State Duma Gennady Gudkov System Policy The next few years, remaining one of the leaders of the Left Front, Ilya Ponomarev spent his election campaign in Novosibirsk in the 2007 State Duma elections Not under left -winged slogans, but in the completely Medvedevskaya, although it was not yet invented, rhetoric - innovation, modernization, technology parks. The voters learned that not only the left politician came to them from Moscow, but also the deputy head of the non -profit public fund of the Development of the Information Society (president - Igor Jurgens), the head of the Center for Territorial Development under the Ministry of Communications, adviser to the then Deputy Minister of Communications Dmitry Milovoltsev. The left activist suddenly turned into a respectable statesman of the new era - modernization. He again put his arafatka four years later at Moscow rallies in December 2011.

On two chairs, modernization is over, the left front, as it turned out, is not. He who had served his first 15 days in the pre-trial detention center of Alexei Navalny because of the grate, to people, was brought out by the State Duma deputy Ilya Ponomarev. On Bolotnaya Square they shouted to him: “Hand over the mandate!”, But after a few days, when the Organizing Committee of the next rally gathered in the editorial office of the Orthodox newspaper, Ilya Ponomarev spoke at this meeting the last and, having thanked his colleagues for participation, suggested (the broadcast on the Internet looked, obviously, all the left and right activists of the country) to continue the conversation about the future rally with topics The same in the evening, in the studio of network public television - Sotw. So unexpectedly the second organizing committee appeared, and the first participants still do not know why this was needed by Ponomarev. For two weeks, the participants of the “Ponomarevsky” organizing committee argued among themselves, made up the lists of the speakers, then copied them, then argued again; It will not be an exaggeration to say that when preparing a rally on Sakharov Avenue, an approximately equal amount of forces was spent by its organizers both on the preparation of the rally itself, and to clarify relations with the Ponomarevsky Committee. The rumor, according to which Ilya Ponomarev maintains friendly relations with Vladislav Surkov (by the way, in the distant past, is also an employee of Yukos) and continues to coordinate all his political steps with him-this rumor appeared at the same time and was most likely caused by some insider information, but by logic: if for some reason it interferes with the rallies, he probably asked him for this sounses. The author asked about Ponomarev’s relationship with Surkov assistant Ilya Ponomarev Danil Lindel. Lindel replied that he was “in the know of all the Relations of Ponomarev with Surkov. They don’t even communicate anymore, ”and added:“ But what Navalny met with Volodin is bad. ” The author asked Navalny about Volodin, and Lindel also denied Navalny's words. The only conclusion that of all this can be made: while the opposition does not succeed, it will always look for agents of the other side in its ranks. And if you look, then you can always find someone. However, the probability that this “agent” simultaneously successfully plays on many fronts, including those opposing, among other things, it is also impossible to exclude: at least this is rational in the sense that it always allows you to be on the victorious side. What Ilya Ponomarev will turn out to be, we obviously find out in the very near future.