A weak old man who renounces power is much more courageous than the one who clings to it to the last, at any cost and dies (the word “dies” here is not so much too soft as simply inaccurate), clinging to the throne. The Russian rulers, with rare exceptions, failed to accomplish this feat of weakness. The tyrannical nature of power is evident, which neither three Russian revolutions nor the collapse of two empires - the tsarist and the Soviet - canceled. In Russia, it has always been easier to strangle a ruler or hit a snuff box on the temple than simply to live until the moment when he himself understands or feels that it is time to retire.
By renouncing the papacy, Joseph Alois Ratzinger, Benedict XVI, "Papa Ratzi", as one of the British newspapers dubbed him on the day of accession to the papacy a little less than eight years ago, performed an important political and human act. Voluntary resignation from a post at the top of power, and even from one where the term of stay is not regulated by any laws, is an undoubted act. Ironically, Pope Benedict XVI will remain in the history of the church only with this renunciation. If only because nothing like this has happened for 598 years.
For Russia, with the mental attitude of all its authorities to its own God-chosenness, infallibility and life (Putin in this sense inherits both tsarist Russia and Soviet Russia), each voluntary or voluntary-compulsory renunciation is a doubly feat. Actually, there were only two such feats of weakness in the centuries-old history of our country. And both people who committed them - the last Russian emperor and the first Russian president - are clearly not considered national heroes.
On March 2, 1917, Nicholas II signed an abdication in favor of his son Alexei. His Imperial Majesty Tsar Alexei II, with hemophilia, which left him no chance for a full life, became emperor at the age of twelve. After six hours of waiting for the transfer of power from father to son, Nicholas realized that Emperor Alexei would be forbidden to live with his parents. He could not bear the separation from the mortally ill boy. And therefore, on the same day, he made a new renunciation - in favor of brother Michael. However, the Revolutionary Council proclaimed the slogan: "Down with the Romanovs!" When the Duma informed Mikhail about the Council's decision, he, after thinking for a few minutes, declared: "I have decided to abdicate." And he naively added that he agreed to accept the throne later, if the Constituent Assembly decided so.
On December 31, 1999, in his New Year's address to the nation, Boris Yeltsin, instead of the usual official words of congratulations to the people, spoke unofficial, human, historical words. His "I'm tired, I'm leaving," his personal apologies to people with tears in his eyes are immeasurably more courageous than Yeltsin's successor posing for the camera with a naked torso or in a kimono. For Russia, the government apologizing to the people, alas, is historical nonsense. Because people for our government at all times were extras, improvised means, personnel, the electorate, an annoying hindrance, wheels and cogs. But never as individuals who deserve, if not respect, then at least distinction.
In the latest VTsIOM poll on this topic in 2011, Yeltsin's act was called a mistake by only 2% of Russians. Less than the standard statistical error in such surveys. And 66% considered the voluntary resignation of the first president to be absolutely the right decision. Alas, in the minds of the majority of the population, Yeltsin, together with his political opponent Gorbachev, remains the gravedigger of the USSR, and not the creator of the new Russian statehood. And not the author of a brief, forcibly interrupted attempt to put Russia on the main track of normal civilized development from her eternal journeys along the bloody impassability of special paths. Moreover, even the fans of the current Russian president seem to forget who and how brought him to this post.
Perhaps the political disadvantages of the voluntary renunciation of power by Nicholas II and Boris Yeltsin eventually outweighed the pros. But in any case, these were outstanding, breaking out of the general series and very courageous deeds. And at the same time a great way to understand how elusive the line between defeat and victory in politics. Especially when it comes to uncontrolled and unlimited power.