Theater of one mandate

Only 9 days passed between informing the public about the foreign real estate of United Russia heavyweight Vladimir Pekhtin and his “voluntary” surrender of his deputy mandate. Absolute record. Never before have publicity and public opinion prevailed so easily over government officials in the Russian Federation. But for some reason this did not seem suspicious even to the most seasoned in clashes with the regime. The speed with which the victory was achieved turned the heads of opponents of the current government so much that no one even tried to ask the question: “Wasn’t this a carefully choreographed performance?” Meanwhile, an analysis of the facts shows that it is quite difficult to exclude this version.

Navalny- force

On February 12, the famous oppositionist Alexei Navalny published on his blog (with gratitude to a blogger-guide named Doctor Z) information that a member of United Russia since its founding, a member of the bureau of the party’s Supreme Council, head of the State Duma commission on parliamentary ethics, winner of numerous state awards, Vladimir Pekhtin owns luxury real estate on the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, in Miami. That is, in the USA. The total cost of this real estate, as the oppositionist noted, exceeds $2 million, while Pekhtin declared the largest income during his entire tenure as a people's representative in 2006 in the amount of 39 million rubles. The parliamentarian of the last four convocations has never declared real estate in America at all.

Information about this appears the very next day in the New York Times, simultaneously engulfing the domestic blogosphere and most Russian media, including federal television channels, like a forest fire. Over the next week, information about this was broadcast so widely that it seemed that it did not reach only those in a coma.

At this time, Pekhtin himself first gave a confusing interview, which was immediately taken apart as demotivators with quotes like “Well, there’s practically nothing” and “I don’t have anything!” Then the parliamentarian began to tell the press that the property belonged to his son, and he was forced to be a co-owner. During this time, Navalny managed to request official papers from overseas confirming the “flagrant concealment of facts.” He also launched a website dedicated to the foreign possessions of the high-ranking United Russia member, and even provided his supporters with layouts of leaflets and banners incriminating the deputy. The latter, it must be said, were executed quite professionally: in catchy colors and with high-quality graphics.

One of the leaders of the blogosphere, Anton Nosik, published a post where he expressed confidence that “his [Pechtin’s] party comrades will both support and cover him, even if this means mooing in unison with the entire faction.” And the Socialist Revolutionary Dmitry Gudkov, as if in confirmation, posted on his blog the response of the Duma commission for monitoring the reliability of information on the income of deputies, where it was stated in black and white that he would not be given the results of the check in accordance with the legislation on state secrets.

“It’s a state secret, it’s a state secret,” the opposition RuNet decided, and prepared for a protracted battle for justice and purity in the ranks of the people’s representatives.

But before they had time to properly enjoy shooting point-blank at Pekhtin’s reputation with scans of English-language documents, the climax came. On the eighth day of nationwide trolling, Pekhtin, who had been “confused in his testimony” all week, suddenly declared directly from the podium of the lower house that he “does not hold on to the mandate.” “I have done quite a lot for the United Russia party so that it would be authoritative among citizens and win elections, and therefore, like no one else, I understand the responsibility and will not allow the current situation to be used against my colleagues and comrades,” he said. suddenly becoming calm and reserved. Once again, a seasoned bear politician appeared before us, as if all the previous prevarications and vague statements had not happened. The transition turned out to be so abrupt that there was a feeling as if someone omnipotent said to Pekhtin, who had gone into a communication tailspin: “ do the editing .”

And a new wave arose among the Internet protest masses - a wave of joyful excitement. The pages of newspapers and websites were filled with headlines like: “Pekhtin surrendered his mandate because of Navalny” and “Pekhtin’s voluntary resignation frightened his comrades in United Russia.” Political scientists and opposition deputies burst out with statements that United Russia had fallen into a hole that it was digging for the opposition, and a new era had arrived in which Internet publicity would become a real tool for establishing the triumph of democracy and non-covetousness. Pekhtin’s colleagues in the Duma, forgetting political strife, unanimously praised the self-retired man for his courage (Sergei Zheleznyak, United Russia), declared that he “never hid behind the backs of his comrades” (Vyacheslav Timchenko, United Russia), and called him “a real man” (Igor Lebedev , LDPR) and signed with respect (Vadim Solovyov, Communist Party of the Russian Federation). And in the end, the head of the United Russia faction, Vladimir Vasiliev, said that Pekhtin, free from parliamentary duties, would now go to the United States to prove his innocence there. And, interestingly, all this nonsense did not bother anyone.

Extra details

As it turned out, it is possible to find an answer to the question that arises in any sensible person: why does Pekhtin go to America to prove his innocence, while he is accused in Russia? The answer, however, is as illogical as the question is logical.

Vasiliev said the following on this topic: “When we sat with him today and drank coffee, he told me, I’m taking a vacation, and I’m going to solve these very issues, he will prove to the United States system, in the legislative field of the United States, that he is not has properties in the United States." Well, it’s clear, right? If in America they believe Pekhtin, then we in Russia will happily agree with this. But the absurdity does not end there. For example, no one began to focus attention on the fact that the undeclared palace of Vladimir Pekhtin’s wife Natalya, located in St. Petersburg on a plot of 12,718 sq.m., was discovered back in September last year. However, for some reason this did not lead to either a media wave or resignation.

I would also like to understand why the shareholder of Kubansky Bacon Vasily Tolstopyatov, who refused his mandate the day before Pekhtin’s resignation (February 19), and who announced the early resignation of United Russia billionaire Alexander Lomakin (February 20, following Pekhtin), is not being applauded shoulder of colleagues even from their own faction, do they not praise their courage and conscientiousness?

I would also like to understand the absence of incriminating reports about deputy hockey player Vladislav Treyak, who owns a $1 million apartment there in Miami. And he himself seems to be in no hurry to surrender his mandate. Similarly, the fact that the family of prominent United Russia deputy Andrei Isaev owned a hotel in Germany did not lead to either a high-profile investigation or the surrender of a mandate. It did not cause changes in the composition of the faction of the party in power and a billion dollars in the accounts of United Russia deputy Vyacheslav Reznik. The list goes on, but it all looks like some kind of list of unnecessary details. Try to push them into the popular popular puzzle “Pechtin’s sacrificing the mandate to ideals,” and the picture immediately ceases to be inspiringly whole. And the victim is not immediately a victim, and the ideal is not an ideal.

The simplest explanation for this seems to be the following. They don't fit in because they weren't included. Only Pekhtin was conceived in this plot. And then three big questions arise. Here are two of them: “Why is all this?” and “Why Pekhtin?”

Parliament meteorite

There are a whole bunch of benefits for the current government from the story of Pekhtin’s mandate. Firstly, the deprivation of a deputy’s powers against the backdrop of a media tsunami about his luxury real estate abroad clearly shows one and all that such elements do not stay in the ruling party. Secondly, it relieves social tension and negativity towards the rich: “Look, Russians, the rich cry too!” Thirdly, since the deputy left on his own, he is, of course, an alien element, but it’s as if he’s not quite a violator. He may be richer, but he is a man with a conscience, not devoid of nobility and a sense of caring for his colleagues. And so that observers of history, God forbid, do not confuse anything, the alien element in their feelings is openly recognized. And deputies of all factions will respond by telling him how courageous he is, how he “doesn’t hide” and how he commands respect.

In addition, this resignation also solves a number of narrowly political problems. For example, it has already been loudly announced that Elena Vtorygina will receive Pekhtin’s mandate. If anyone doesn’t remember, in the last convocation she was a deputy of the “A Just Russia” faction. It was exactly until the moment when United Russia decided to hold primaries, that is, preliminary elections, in the regions. The rating of the Socialist Revolutionaries at that time was going down, and many deputies in Sergei Mironov’s faction were seriously worried that they might not get into the new convocation with the “orange-reds” due to a lack of seats. And then several Socialist Revolutionary deputies reached out to the “bears”, believing that if the “just Russians” lost seats, it would be in their favor. Among such defector deputies was Elena Vtorygina. The elections to the Sixth Duma did not go quite as expected, and the Socialist Revolutionaries received significantly more seats than they had planned. And EdRo, on the contrary, is smaller. As a result, Vtorygina did not receive a mandate. Oh, and then the evil tongues rang out. Something like this was addressed to the defectors: “Well, the traitors believed the enemy and defected. This is what your political hypocrisy turned out to be! But here you are running, and we are still getting stronger.” And everything like that. And now the transfer of the mandate to Vtorygina significantly corrects the image of “EdRa” in the eyes of hesitant opponents. It seems like they are no longer “deceivers-poachers”, but quite responsible guys who endow those who believe in them with benefits at the first opportunity.

Another big task that the history of the Pekhtin mandate solves is technical and, at the same time, methodological. The technical part is that everything must be done in such a way that not a single white-ribbon artist can guess whose direction it is. And from this follows a methodological task. If we imagine everything as a coincidence of circumstances, we will get a technique with the help of which we will evoke in the minds of the opposition delight (when necessary), anger (against whom we will decide) and hope (what we will say). Well, if so, then the blow for the opposition was a great success.

Another problem that such scenarios could solve, although smaller, is still very creative. The attention of citizens, not only those in the opposition, but generally everyone who is at least somewhat active, is focused on the media. Therefore, in order to control what people see and experience, it is enough to control the attention of the media. First, we remove the mandate from Gennady Gudkov, therefore we threaten Ilya Ponomarev, then our cabinet of ministers will report to Putin - we will scold them there to the delight of television viewers.

Every time you have to invent something new, it’s not always possible, but it’s always necessary. Every political media day requires regulation and supervision. Sometimes, however, you get lucky. Either the deputies of the Kirov Region Legislature rose up against Governor Nikita Belykh, or it was a holiday - a meteorite would fly into Chelyabinsk. For 3-4 days people do nothing but watch stories about broken windows and joke about harsh Siberians. And to attract the attention of the blogosphere for a week means that people don’t swear at the authorities for a whole week, they improve statistics wherever necessary. So the task of man-made launching of political meteorites, given our standard of living, economy and other delights, is more relevant than ever. And judging by the media response, Pekhtin turned out to be a real parliamentary meteorite. And if it is man-made, then “holes on the shoulder straps” will be drilled after such a delicate special operation, good luck.

In general, if anyone says that the demandating of Pekhtin that took place was a pure coincidence of circumstances, then they will have to admit the fact - the party in power is so lucky that it can remain so without any problems for a completely unlimited period of time, completely forgetting about pensions, medicine and education .

Veteran's peace

There remains the penultimate question in this story. Why did they make a meteorite (if, of course, they did) Vladimir Pekhtin, who was calmly living as a deputy and did not pay any attention to all sorts of his wife’s palaces that were made public.

Well, it’s obvious here that if you plan such an action, then you need to plan it with an old-timer and a heavyweight. It is advisable for the deserving ones to have their medals up to their bows. Well, wealthy beyond all measure, of course. And yet, despite all this, one should not feel sorry for him.

We still have honored United Russia heavyweights in the Duma. But we can only guess why they didn’t feel sorry for Pekhtin at all. On the surface there is an assumption that he belongs to the old, Yeltsin-era team. This means that the person is not Putin’s. Perhaps that is why, convocation after convocation, he increasingly lost his powers. The peak of his career came during the fourth and fifth convocations, when he first headed the Unity faction, and then was the first deputy of the United Russia faction, vice-speaker of the State Duma and chairman of the faction’s expert advisory council at the same time. But in the new convocation, his influence decreased significantly. He was not given either a vice-speaker or the first deputy chairman of the faction. They simply gave him a deputy chairman, automatically evicting him from the large vice-speaker's office. He only managed to head the ethics commission, and even then, as we see, not for long.

But just like that, if someone suddenly wants to evict a long-time deputy from the Duma, oh how difficult it is. If he starts to resist, it will be such a press that there will be no talk of any subtle special operations. It is necessary to agree that it is done voluntarily or, at a minimum, without noise and dust. And to negotiate means to offer him something worthwhile in return. And here an argument appears that seriously speaks in favor of the man-made nature of all this magnificent unmandating.

It turns out that a few days before the sensational information was made public, Vladimir Pekhtin received a serious appointment. Namely, he headed the United Russia Party Support Fund. This foundation is a public organization. Rich (the real gold of the party) and therefore very closed. And the person leading it is very influential. Because it depends on him where and how the party’s billions will flow and at what speed. The work, of course, is not very full of impressions, but for a 62-year-old party member it’s just right.

And if we assume that there is still a connection between the new appointment and resignation, then the castling seems devilishly graceful. For a week the creative class has been expressing anger towards a certain moneybag Pekhtin. After which the inflamed kite of oppositional anger suddenly unexpectedly discovers in its clawed paws the crust of an ideological enemy and goes into victorious ecstasy. And the millionaire Pekhtin at this moment disappears from the public field, ascending to a position practically inaccessible to representatives of the media and other public, retaining all his comfortable buildings on distant shores. When the intoxication of victory wears off, the formidable bird will discover that instead of the enemy’s flesh it can only torment a dead object no longer needed by anyone. And she will torment him for a long time, frantically gnawing at him like a dog at an old bone. For a long time - because the next time will not be soon. And he became furious, because he would have to do something to suppress the understanding: “pekhting” is not something that can be caught. It's more like when you get caught...

The last big question. Who could orchestrate all this so wonderfully? There is only one possible answer: who knows?