The hatefulness of stability

Hatred, like love, is difficult to imitate.

This is a special kind of passion, which the classic writer called the feeling "rejuvenating." A special kind of personal hostility towards the victim is such a hostility that you cannot eat. A special kind of vision, when you look at the object - and directly die of the desire to explain yourself. An explanation in hatred, as well as an explanation in love, requires a strong spiritual upsurge.

Public passions are indistinguishable from personal.

Only everything is much larger: a crowd in the square and power in the palace, which, for example, can be called winter. Cossacks with nagikes and the proletariat with their cobblestone. Tanks on the streets and people, with bare hands, stopping the piece of iron with a trunk. And then the leader, surrounded by the rebellious compatriots and correspondents of foreign agencies, is affirmed in a defeated tank and in a thunderous voice announces: your time has ended, communities!

This is also called Drive. Revolutionary rage, in different eras, exciting and brutalized sailor, and the intelligentsia quiet for the time being. It is only important that the classic be bequeathed so that the tops could not, but the lower classes did not want to. In other words, so that the circumstances of the time awaken the corresponding moods among the people. So that the era itself differs in passionarity.

The tenth years of the 21st century in Russia in the relationship of power with the people give rise to completely different feelings. Mutual alienation. Mutual distrust. Mutual fear. The joint nasty forebodings expressed in the song "When the oil is over", as well as in some newspaper columns and economic reviews. As for hatred, this acute feeling manifests itself only episodically, when the guarantor of the Constitution, having broken, suddenly speaks about Banderalli, and then the people are beaten by a clear May day and have been selectively enough for a year and gives the innocent to trial. This causes a response, but there is more sticky fear and disgust in it than a direct revolutionary hatred.

You experience personal hostility to the planting person, but you can eat and even want to eat. And the point here is not only that the creative Muscovites who went out a year later on their Bolotnaya are not enough proletarian class flair. And not even in the fact that the collective sleeping Uralvagonzavod has nothing to lose except their chains and top managers, and you have something to lose. The main thing is that the revolution is inconceivable without young unconsciousness and oblivion of historical experience, and in the country, which has survived in twenty years two years and two full -fledged civil war, the memory of these puts in and these slaughterhouses is too alive.

Actually, the so -called Putin era is a product of two Moscow and two Chechen wars. And it rests not so much on bayonets and gates provocations, but on the fatigue of people who barely breathed this shaky, with terrorist attacks and a foreign campaign of peaceful life. On the same free oil oil and for a long time driven into the heads of the belief that democracy is chronic non -payment of money, tanks on squares and war on the outskirts, and the aging Chekist in the Kremlin with the Bodies of the Chekist and the brains of the Chekist is the embodiment of stability.

That is why democratic leaders from the former have been doomed to listen to mantras about the robbed people for years - despite the fact that the same people mournfully agree with the disagreement when they indicate the scale of the current theft. That is why the policy of the new generation, pronouncing furious speeches from impromptu stands, look like commander without an army. If they do not cause a feeling of awkwardness. That is why the revolution, capable of taking tens of thousands of people even in a depressive state, is afraid of itself and does not know where to go. There really is nowhere to go.

These are rallies of protest in the era of stagnation, in a situation of hopelessness, very similar to the one that older people observed in stagnant Brezhnev years. Then, after all, also protest performances gave rise to only the sufferers, in the defense of which new dissidents showed or wrote letters upstairs, replenishing the ranks of the political prisoners in turn. And the toasts for the success of our hopeless business sounded more and more solid and desperate.

However, there is a difference that seems to be very significant. The Soviet government seemed much more imperceptible than the Putin regime, and perished overnight, like the imperfect royal power. The current political structure happily combines both substances: the degradation of mature socialism - with banners, the communist anthem with a two -headed eagle, the heroes of labor with the Cossacks, and this doubling of Marasis inspires unexpectedly optimistic thoughts. As for the fact that, perhaps, it can do without an anti -aging sense of hatred, bloody showdowns and concentration camps, and the system itself will be blown away under the yoke of its own, as it were, imperfections. With the active assistance of disagreements with Bolotnaya, whose historical role comes down to restraining despair and revolutionary impulses, limited to ordinary everyday contempt.