What are the Bolsheviks talking about?

"The Other Russia" is the only unregistered party in Russia that has a long political history. Its roots go back to the NBP, which was banned in 2007. In the late 90s - early 2000s, when there was no active protest movement in the country, the NBP was one of the few political forces that openly opposed the current government. In 2011, a new opposition emerged, and the previously inert urban middle class joined the protest. The Limonovites remained aloof from the “Bolotnaya” protest, and their opposition activity is manifested only by gradually fading rallies on Triumfalnaya Square. PublicPost found out what people were in the NBP, who is now in the “Other Russia” and how the movement has changed.

At the end of the 90s, the party had approximately 5,000 people. As Sergei Aksenov, a veteran of the movement, says, people came to the party not so much based on their political convictions, but rather based on their type. There really was a type: the children of Soviet engineers and teachers, who in the 90s lost their social status, found themselves in poverty and could not find a place for themselves in the new post-perestroika Russia; boys and girls from 16 to 25 who felt social injustice towards their parents and believed that their future had been taken away from them. “Cheeky young”, they were ready and willing to take risks. They found a way out for their anger in direct actions directed against politicians - liberals, capitalists and the authorities in general. The purpose of these actions was not so much to cause harm as a symbolic expression of protest and anger.

In “The Other Russia” the youth are also different. These are no longer the children of the frustrated intelligentsia of the 1990s, ready to take risks for the sake of a big idea. The generation has changed, and with it the demographic base of the movement. “The Other Russia” inherited ideas, style, and people from the NBP. Only people, unlike ideas, grow up and grow old.

Sergei Aksenov, one of the founders of "The Other Russia"

Sergei Aksenov came to the NBP in May 1997 and was one of the most senior activists. At that time, he was 27 years old, and the choice was made consciously: for two years Aksenov bought Limonka, followed Limonov’s activities, thought about whether it was worth joining: “I understood the seriousness of such a step. If you came, then you must come definitively. I didn't see it as a hobby."

Aksenov was born in Vladimir, studied in Moscow at MESI. Aksenov’s parents were both chemists and worked in a research institute during Soviet times. They grew up in Azerbaijan, met in Sumgait, and then left for Russia. From the age of 17, Sergei lived separately. An economist by training, he tried to work in an office, but nothing worked out: “The first time I worked for 2 months, the second time for 11 days. I personally don’t really need money, just to have enough to live on. I was looking for some deep meaning in the party. I I didn’t even see it as a political organization. Without such a party, I wouldn’t have a role in politics. I saw it as a Muslim ummah, a community.”

When Aksenov came to the NBP, together with Limonov there was another leader in the party - Alexander Dugin, who is better known as an ideologist of Eurasianism. Aksenov remembers the division into Duginites and Limonovites well: “There were two types of people, they were different. One of them was well-groomed, smelled of perfume, more well-read. In general, such a smart guy smelling of perfume. The second type was simpler, they weren’t smart guys, but rather, people testing their knowledge with practice. The first perceived the party as a club, they saw it as a get-together. Limonov pulled the party towards action, political struggle. When the conflict became unbearable, Dugin left. 8 people left, then five came back. It turned out that Limonov built the entire organization as such. it was." Now Aksenov is 42 years old, his head is already partially gray, his eyes are young, he looks smart, he speaks calmly, but argues passionately, and if he touches a nerve, he argues fiercely. He was always a Limonov man: “Rather, I came to Limonov. I trusted him, but I didn’t know who Dugin was.”

Aksenov’s personal life has always been closely connected with the party. He met only with the National Bolsheviks, he was married twice and also with the National Bolsheviks. Together with the party, he went from the struggle for its legalization to direct action. "Direct action as a genre became a reaction to the refusal to participate in elections. I was at the trial after the first refusal. There was a representative of the Ministry of Justice. He is trying to accuse us of racism, we show him a black party member, we repel the argument. And so with all questions. I I heard with my own ears in the Tagansky court how he stood up and said: “Your honor, there are five thousand of them, they are all young, we don’t know what to expect from them. The Party was never registered.” action, and then outside the country - in Sevastopol." He remembers how in 1998 he first saw the National Bolsheviks from the regions - then they came to Moscow from all over Russia, from Magadan to Kaliningrad. In response to a question about the relationship between red and brown in the ideology of the NBP, Aksenov says that there has never been ethnic nationalism in the party, and even cites himself as an example: “I’m a quarter Armenian, and one of my grandmothers was called Fatima.”

The party of the late 90s, according to Aksenov, is a collection of talented, but often useless people: “We had a huge problem with people who at least knew how to do something. Many wrote poetry, many people could fight, there were good human qualities everyone, but the majority were not able to put together something, organize it. I took over the St. Petersburg department of Limonka. And then I moved to Moscow. I thought that St. Petersburg was small Moscow, but it turned out to be big Vladimir.”

In 2001, Limonov and Aksenov were arrested in the so-called “Altai case”. They were accused of illegal arms trafficking, and then also of preparing an armed invasion of Kazakhstan. The charges were on a total of four counts (including “terrorism”). As a result, Aksenov was found guilty only under the article on arms trafficking and received 3.5 years in prison: “It was great in the zone. I ended up in a black camp (where power actually belongs to the authorities among the convicts - editor’s note), the village of Metallostroy. And because I got there after the Saratov red pre-trial detention center (the authorities are controlled by the prison administration - editor's note), where it was very difficult, here it was just paradise on earth. In the summer, the prisoners sunbathed in the sun. I went out, worked on a drilling machine, drilled metal furniture. One day they call me, lawyer Belyak is standing there. He says, “Okay, we’ll get you out.” All this time, a person from the party was making me deliveries, I caught bags every month, close friends from the party and my girl came. on dates."

After prison, Aksenov could not return to party work for a long time: “There is nowhere to live, no work, no profession. My girlfriend was from Siberia, in addition, she was pregnant, so we lived for two months. Then mobile phones had just appeared, I called every day and found out where I could spend the night. I had to do something. When my wife gave birth, I had to go work as a cook in a restaurant for a year.” In fact, apart from the party, he never got any other permanent job in all these years. Now he works as a courier to earn money. Sergei divorced his first wife and married a second time, he has two children.

In 2007, the party was recognized as extremist and banned. This affected all the National Bolsheviks: “We did not immediately understand the significance of the fact that we were closed. We underestimated it. And then gradually they began to punish, record attempts at political action, they were always one step ahead. They began to condemn dozens of people. Then the big ones They began to give fines. They gave 200 thousand, 150 thousand - as a result, a conflict arises in the family. They began to act in a Jesuitical way.” As a result, Aksenov became one of the founders of the Other Russia party (not to be confused with the opposition coalition of the same name, which existed from 2006 to 2010). For him, it seems, nothing has changed - the same leader, the same comrades, he is still kept “under the hood”: “When I arrive in Vladivostok, they meet me at the ramp. Their strength is not that they strike, but the fact is that they control the clearing. They make it clear to you that wherever you go, whatever you do, they are looking after you.” But when asked why the previously large and thunderous party in the evening news has been replaced by a seemingly quiet and, it seems, gradually fading away, he answers that the people are still the same, only “the background has changed”: “The spirit of the party always corresponds to the spirit of the times. Now the background has changed. Then we acted practically in emptiness, now there is still a “swamp” protest. Previously, in the emptiness, we rang loudly. At that time, we professed extreme methods. You wanted it to ring, so it did.” Aksenov believes that the “protest leaders” have no idea of ​​honor. “The strategy that was chosen by the opposition is not a strategy of rebellion and revolution, but a strategy of trolling. Then just say that we are trolling the authorities, pricking them with a pin so that they don’t get too impudent.” For him, being a National Bolshevik means being faithful to an idea, a party, a country. And he is sure that it will always be like this.

Alexander Averin, press secretary of The Other Russia and Eduard Limonov

In addition to Aksenov, there is another veteran in “The Other Russia” - Alexander Averin. He joined the NBP in 1999. He was 20 years old at the time: “I studied at the Institute of Steel and Alloys on Oktyabrskaya. In the transition from the ring to the radial, the newspaper “Limonka” was sold, I began buying it. I bought it from 1997, for two years, and in 1999 I came to the store twice demonstrations and joined on April 6." Averin explains this by saying that he liked Limonov’s political views. He was angry about the situation that developed in the country in the 90s. He explains in Marxist terms that “whole classes found themselves in poverty,” and he was “anti-bourgeois,” like Limonov. The main enemy for him and for Limonov were liberals.

Not only the situation in the country, but also his specific personal situation prompted Averin to join the NBP: “In the 90s, an intelligent family was dysfunctional. I was the son of a Soviet officer who served in the army for 20 years. My mother worked as an engineer, my grandmother was the head of the central factory laboratory, grandfather - an aircraft designer. Grandfather and grandmother were from peasants, they were not subject to repression in the Soviet years, and we had many people from such families. Therefore, in the 90s, we were deprived of a future. and joined the party. They saw injustice not only in the country, but also personally.” He says that “in the late 90s and early 2000s, it was unfashionable to engage in politics - then all energetic people were involved in business.” But he never saw himself in business: there was a choice between science (he was engaged in metallurgical developments in the ISIS laboratory) or the party. I chose a party. I was also attracted by the cultural environment in which the National Bolsheviks lived. In the 90s, many talented people gathered in and around the party - actionist artist Anatoly Osmolovsky, musician Sergei Kuryokhin. The leader of the Civil Defense group, Yegor Letov, was one of the founders of the NBP.

“By the time Limonov left, I was already a significant figure in the party. In 2002, I realized that no one was involved in our press service, so I sat down to write press releases and send them out by fax. Then all the newspapers, radio and agencies sat on the fax machine. Back in 2002, Channel One filmed a campaign about us (meaning the film “The Trial of the Ghost”, made about the “Altai Case” - editor’s note), we were surprised. Until 2005. There was a lot of free press. Two months after I started sending out press releases, I began giving interviews, calling myself the press secretary of the party. Then no one was against it, although I self-appointed. I took this direction, raised it from scratch. this could not be disputed. After the party was closed, I became Limonov’s press secretary,” says Averin.

Limonov has always been and remains an indisputable authority for him. “When Limonov came out, about 700 people met him at the station. There were a lot of non-party people there, by the way. Flowers, girls, caps, television, then they drank champagne in the bunker,” recalls Averin, who himself was among those greeting him. He talks about the leader as a simple, polite and charming person: “When I met him, he turned out to be much simpler than I thought. He talks to everyone on a first name basis, asks to call him Edward. He’s used to being addressed in France without a patronymic. to his house, and he says: “What did you leave there, guys! You have to wipe after yourself." And then he takes a rag, cleans it and invites us to discuss matters."

He recalls with nostalgia the bunker (the main headquarters of the NBP). He lived there for a couple of years, during which time, he said, he lost 10 kg. “They ate normally once a day, so they drank tea, they could eat bread with mayonnaise. In the evening - pasta, sometimes with stewed meat. There was never any money. Party money was made up of donations from sympathizers, newspaper sales, contributions from party members. But for alcohol somehow it was enough." It seems that Averin liked the asceticism of the National Bolshevik life. And even now he is not particularly interested in money - to earn money, he writes columns and works in the fields during the season. He is 32 years old, looks tired, his long hair is already partially gray.

Like most National Bolsheviks, Averin married a National Bolshevik. The wife served 3 years for participating in one of the direct actions. Many of his friends also went to jail in 2004. Then 7 people who participated in the action at the Ministry of Health received from 2.5 to 5 years. In the same year, another large action took place: in the case of the “39 Decembrists” (those who organized the action in the reception area of ​​the presidential administration), 8 people received real sentences, the rest received suspended sentences. “39 people were sitting in a cage during the trial. Only Anna Politkovskaya went there. I wrote about it, thanks to Anna Stepanovna,” says Averin. In 2003, a criminal case was also opened against him for throwing black paint at the Latvian Embassy in response to the closure of Russian schools. But he was not imprisoned: “First they accused him of hooliganism and took a written undertaking not to leave the place, then in the same year they reformed the Criminal Code and charged him with vandalism.” When asked why he wasn’t imprisoned, he replies that “it was freer then, many went with a written undertaking not to leave.” Averin recalls how they came to search his parents’ apartment: “When they came for the first time, the mother shocked the police and FSB officers: she either rushed at them with her claws, then sat down and played Beethoven for them on the piano. And at that time she herself managed to send my sister to my grandmother, with whom I was then living, to warn her."

In 2004, the party’s course changed, Limonov began to move closer to the liberals. At first everyone was surprised, but then they realized that it was right. As an example, Averin cites Limonov’s laudatory essay about Academician Sakharov: “Someone was shocked by this, and then they said, well, yes, he was a good guy: naive, but on the whole he was right.”

True, now Averin, as in the late 90s, believes that liberals are to blame for everything. About the liberal protest leaders, he repeats Limonov’s words that they missed the chance and lost everything: “In the early 90s, a 500,000-strong opposition march took place in Moscow. And here people thought that 30,000 people would take to the streets and the regime would fall. If you bring 3 million people to the streets, the regime will not fall. It does not fall at all from bringing people to the streets. It was necessary to do a stupid Maidan, like in Kyiv. Where did all the liberals who dreamed about this Maidan in the mid-2000s go? participated. As of May 2013, this opposition has lost. In 2013, the country is less free than it was in 2011. Following the failed revolution, a reaction is taking place in the country." He calls Putin’s government a “liberal dictatorship” in the style of Pinochet: “Now, in fact, liberals are also in power. Throughout Putin’s era, Finance Minister Kudrin was a liberal. In terms of economics, they are liberals. This is not the liberalism that Echo of Moscow listeners would like to see,” but this is liberalism." Recently, the main slogan of the party is “Select and divide.” Averin, in response to the question whether they really count on popular support with such an appeal, assures that no one is going to take away summer cottages and apartments, but the wealth of the oligarchs is another matter.

Averin believes that “after the white ribbon activists are defeated, the repressions against us (The Other Russia - editor’s note) will intensify.” But he immediately adds that the repressions never stopped: on May 1, an activist was arrested in Tver; in Nizhny Novgorod, a criminal case was opened against another activist, Yuri Starover, for which he faces up to five years; in Vladivostok, a fellow Russian sound engineer was fired from the Primorsky Puppet Theater. If the pressure increases, “we will go underground,” Averin said.

Ksenia Krylova, former NBP activist

Like many in the early 2000s, Ksenia Krylova got into the NBP almost by accident. In 2003, I was studying to become a psychologist in Ulyanovsk, met a guy at a rock concert, and started dating. The guy turned out to be a National Bolshevik from the local Ulyanovsk branch. At first I was just interested, and then I got involved. In Ulyanovsk there was a large department for the region - 700 people according to the lists, and only young people from 16 to 25. There were no girls in the department, except for it, so at first they entrusted the “female” work. For example, sew flags.

“In general, I became interested in politics from some idealism. I wanted to do something, become significant. At that time, there were no other sharply opposition movements. The NBP was the only such organization. We blew up, killed, raped, and did not go to them Moreover, they did not have intellectual development and such a leader as Limonov. Xenia.

For the first time, I participated in the action in 2004: "We were fooling around. Then there was a fashion to throw eggs. Glazyev came to us, at that time we quarreled, we had to go to the State Duma with one block, but did not go. We threw eggs from the end of the hall They did not dare to come closerly. We rumbled then, ran away from the lanes, no one caught up with us. "

Many criminal cases started in cases of so -called "grocery terrorism" - the National Bolsheviks often threw prominent politicians with rotten eggs, mayonnaise and tomatoes. In the book "Sankya" of the former National Bolsheviks Zakhara Prilepin, one of the characters pours such a "cocktail" on the head of the president himself. When asked why it was necessary to throw politicians with food and whether this real struggle turned into a circus performance, Ksenia says that then they switched to more serious actions.

After that, Ksenia went to Moscow and lived for several weeks in the bunker (the NBP had three bunkers, in 2004 they just defeated the second). "There were several rooms - a reception, a dining room, a room where ordinary activists rested, sacred, pre -Sacral, conferences hall and a leader’s room. Every night they put on duty at the bunker. I slept in a common room, sent newspapers in the subway during the day: they gave a pack" Lemon ", and we sold them for five rubles. Everything that we earned went to dinner. We fed once a day, and then after 10-11 pm. There were still a bunker-fuhrers, they determined the entire regulations. If you successfully sold newspapers for a certain time , they could increase you - they sent to more complex tasks, promotions of direct action, on reconnaissance before the shares, ”Ksenia recalls.

There she saw Limonov: “He tried to meet all party activists, spread a couple of words, but I do not think that he remembered one of us. When I lived in the bunker, he was only freed from prison. I was 17. I was 17. I was 17. It seemed that he was saying such wise things, he wanted to run directly to the party. I refused. "

Ksenia came from Moscow to Ulyanovsk with the intention of stirring the department. “I decided on the Party for days to take the initiative and organize the action. On the eve of the presidential election, we decided to throw the local headquarters of United Russia with paint. The FSB building was directly opposite, and when we went to throw the headquarters, then the FSB building threw up. This was a fatal mistake. They raised us, they were looking for very evil when I found it, but the guys who were with me were very much beaten At home, they did not even know where he was judged by the 214th article (“Vandalism”).

After the action, it was chosen by the head of the local department. In 2004, when the NBP held two large promotions at once (in the reception of the Minister of Health Zurabov and in the reception of the presidential administration), the bunker was defeated. During the attack of riot police, many National Bolshes were injured, which were at the headquarters. Ksenia was then broken to the husband of Ksenia, he could not recover for a long time and fell out of party activity.

All this time, the employees of the special services pressed on her parents: “They came with searches for many years. They periodically shot me from trains, did not let me go to Moscow. They forced my parents to give information to me - where I am, who I met. After I was justified, after they justified me (In the criminal case of vandalism), the FSB officer called my father and said: "If you do not want to repeat such a criminal case, then merge the information to us." It was. "

In 2005, the child was born: “I decided that I would temporarily take a vacation, then a split occurred in the party, most of my friends sat in the case of the administration and the Ministry of Health, and I no longer wanted to return. And I didn’t want to take risks with a small child. After all, my husband was also national bore - What would be with the child, then I went to graduate school in Moscow and entered Kasparov in the Civil Front. .

Ksenia says that he does not regret anything. If she hadn’t had a family, now I would go back to politics. But the movement, in her opinion, has changed a lot and moved away from its principles: "It became much dull, they went to some democratic side, from the radicals turned into half-litrals, semi-rulers. Activists chopped out, became not the same. Romance passed."

Nikolai Avdyushenkov, head of the Moscow branch of another Russia

“In the fall of 2003, I was sitting on pure ponds, a girl came up, she says, buy a newspaper, five rubles. I gave ten. She:“ There will be no change, ”and left. I thought:“ Oh, cool. ”I started reading. The questionnaire was filled in in March 2005. From the side of Avdyushenkov looks harsh-a massive tattoo on the arm, a heavy look, but sometimes smiles almost childishly and in places, it seems, timid. He feels uncomfortable in the cafe, explains with a smile: "I don’t go to the taverns." The mother of Nikolai Avdyushenkova-an engineer, recently went to work as a secretary at the institute, my father in the Soviet years headed a catering in the north-east of Moscow. He proudly calls himself a "proletarian." He considers the main work the party, and in order to earn a living, washes windows, works as a courier, an industrial climber. In the summer it is going to unload potatoes - "any work is suitable for which does not need to be distracted from the main business."

He says that at first the parents reacted very poorly to his participation in the NBP, worried for a long time, "but after two criminal cases, what is it there." By the way, he did not want to talk on the phone - he said half a joke that after the criminal became careful.

In general, Avdyushenkov says reluctantly, but he says about the cases: “The first was, when in 2008 they held a campaign in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, we were 13 people. They came, made demands, expressed a protest against the fact that they did not defend Vladimir Linderman , who was then judged in Latvia then gave us all the day of the arrest, but we were sitting on a day, the criminal case under the article 282 ("arousal of hatred or enmity") was given a year. Then, before the march, there was a search in the apartment where I live. I went to the prosecutor’s office for six months, they once came to me, they say: “Come on-take the rest in the evening, they say to me, here is your state lawyer. , which the district police officer himself glued, promoted the ideas of the forbidden NBP. In court, they gave me a conditionally year, 3 testing with a ban on 3 years to participate in mass events. Then everything dragged on there, the verdict was canceled, and the case was closed behind the expiration of the statute of limitations. "

Avdyushenkov is not going to leave the party. She takes all his time. He does not have a certain direction in his work: he makes everything a little. He says that the party is now approximately equally represented by the right and left elements. “If there is benefit from you for Russia, then you can assume that you are Russian,” says Avdyushenkov. “The main thing is that a person does something for the country ... In my memory, they only give an African on the head, because he was The provocateur and came to a rally with red thongs. Soon he is going to marry, his wife shares his ideas: "She said that if I mow on the party line, then she will abandon me."

Iskander Vorobyov, member of the Party "Other Russia"

Iskander Vorobyov also tells about the right in the NBP. But he does not consider himself a nationalist, rather a “ethang”, sympathizes with “theocratic regimes, as in Iran, for example.” Its story differs from the rest: “He came to the NBP at 16, in 2003. he wrote a suicidal announcement in the youth newspaper. The guy who was then the commissar responded. And he sent me the parcel - there were 5 Lemonka numbers. I read everything. And I realized that there is why to live.

Mom at that time worked as a librarian. When he joined the NBP, he showed his parents a newspaper and talked about the party, "they started hysteria, the newspapers were torn, I was expelled from the house for a couple of months." He lived in a local bunker, which could only come to at night. Despite the fact that he no longer lived at home, they came to his mother, grandmothers and aunts with searches.

The Omsk branch was small, only three people, and then grew up to 25. "In 2006 he became the Commissioner of the Omsk branch. Sooned the party soon, and I received two criminals at once-for the creation of an extremist organization and for the 282nd, for the inciting of the class Hatred. In the party, he met his future wife Svetlana - they got married immediately after the criminal cases were closed.

In 2010, Iskander came to church - he was 23 years old. Since that time, Orthodoxy has occupied an important place in the life of his family. He believes that "Christianity is normally combined with the National Bolshevism" and gives an example: "By the way, a person who actually headed the party while Limonov was sitting, Anatoly Tishin is now a priest." After the ban on the NBP, another activist went to the monastery, who, unfortunately, refuses to communicate with the press.

Iskander is now working as an industrial climber, says that about his criminal cases and about the National Bollar Past and the current participation in “other Russia” know everything at work, some even sympathize. Svetlana is a school teacher of history, and also consists in the party.

Iskander believes that the movement has changed a lot and even “Oburzhuisi”: “There were people who have their own clubs, although 10 years ago they were stagnant musicians. The attitude to private property and people who come to the party have changed. Now there are teenagers from Good families expressing their teenage riot. Iskander calls himself a "bolt", which "mentally remained in the NBP."

Olga Baby, former activist NBP

Olga Baby, a smiling girl with a quiet pleasant voice, came to study in Moscow from Bashkiria. "In 2005, I decided to join the party. Then I was 20 years old. In Bashkiria, I lived in a closed city, there were really no press there, only three channels. As soon as I found out about the youth policy existing in Moscow, I immediately wanted it too It seemed to participate that the most not indifferent youth, of course, heard the youth "apple", some other liberal movements. Then they were ineffective, by playing the public, but in the NBP I saw really some kind of strength, the brave guys who are ready to sacrifice their freedom and pleasures for the sake of ideals. My biography seemed to him dubious - from a prosperous family, studied at a good university. Guys in kosukha and chains. I came and saw ordinary guys. Read, smart, we were on the same wave. "

Olga speaks about Limonov calmly, without obvious delight: “I never really talked with Limonov. There are Limonov, but there is a party. I saw Limonov once at a meeting, I liked it because I seemed to be my own and treated us like equal” . For the first time with the forces of riot police, I ran into a bunker’s assault in 2005: “I was inside when the second bunker was stormed. It was scary. Maybe also because I still did not participate in the shares. On the one hand, there were 19-year-old teenagers , and on the other - the incredible forces of riot police with batons, which destroyed everything in their path, did not even spare the girls. "

Olga moved away from party work even before the party was closed. He says that there were no radical reasons, it happened: “I didn’t go formally, everything happened by itself. I went to work for Kasparov.ru by a correspondent, there was a lot of work, there was no time left for everything. Then my friends began to move away. I was. At the last meetings of the other, the generation has changed, in general there is no one to communicate with, and my consciousness has changed.

“I don’t laugh at me at all, but now I understand that in part I perceived all this as a game of Cossack robbers. I do not regret anything. My youth was very interesting,” says Olga Kid.

Vladimir Makarenko, member of the Party "Other Russia"

Vladimir Makarenko is 18 years old, he studies in the second year of the Law College. In “Other Russia” he has been a year now: “My father was in the NBP. So this is already a second generation. Dad has always been a rather politicized person, he has a historical education. He read Limonov’s book“ Disciplinary sanatorium ”, then he learned about the party and learned about the party and learned This was in the early 2000s It turns out that I knew that my father was in the party, but I did not attach much importance to this I read, asked me, I told me a few Limonov’s books, I thought to join for a long time. I am a risk.

The current situation in the party, Vladimir represents this: “In the party, different people, of different beliefs, but I hold on to the left side more. I like Lenin, I read his works. Nationalism in“ other Russia ”is not like that - this is not“ kill blacks. ”If, if you kill blacks.” If A person considers it Russian, then he is Russian.

The “swamp” protest is unpleasant for him: “The people who go to rallies are good, but, unfortunately, they are not the same leaders. These are bad people, they deceive a lot, behave very wrong, starting from Udaltsov and ending with Navalny and Nemtsov. When Limonov wanted to lead people to the CIC, all these swamp pseudo -weapons drove people to Bolotnaya - to the island where people could calmly squeeze a small number of police. ”

Makarenko Jr. treats Limonov with a great food: “For me, Eduard Limonov is such an ideal of the party. The party is lemons. As long as lemonov, the party will be alive. If, God forbid, I hope that Aksenov will come to He is a good leader and a wise man. "