What will Volodin do now?

Vladimir Putin made a message about the "national economy." There were no large new political ideas in the message, but in the sense in which “domestic policy” in the Putin system is part of the “national economy”, it also had direct instructions to the department of Vyacheslav Volodin. We can now say what its department will occupy the brain of citizens in 2014.

There were three specific working topics in the message. And three more ideological instructions.

Volodin was instructed to create a new system of human rights organizations instead of the old, defeated in 2013. Some of the old ones, if they finally transfer only to state financing (completely abandon foreign grants), can be preserved. This was clearly demonstrated in December: on the one hand, the deputies of Zheleznyak and Markelov repeatedly ran into the Memorial, and on the other hand, Volodin visited the meeting of the Moscow Helsinki group. New so -called human rights organizations have already been created in 2012-2013. And now they just need to be turned into a presentable system. Money for this has already been allocated. Putin in the message made it clear that he was waiting for convincing results for this money. Therefore, in the first half of 2014, we must expect the high -profile performances of the pro -Kremlin human rights activists. And, as I think, the All -Russian Congress with the participation of Volodin.

The second topic is the reform of the Public Chamber. Putin proposed to expel the remnants of the Surkov publicists from there and replace them with the leaders of industry associations. Obviously, these will be those “guilds” that have already established themselves in cooperation with the ONF in 2012-2013. They have already passed the “filter” and will be able to successfully participate in “small good deeds” as part of the Public Chamber. Here we are also waiting for some new high-profile “social activists”-the leaders of previously unknown trade unions.

And the third topic is local government. The audit of the 131st Federal Laws was prepared. Alexander Kynev has already written a lot about the planned reform. Here in Putin’s speech there were two key concepts: “zemstvo” and “public discussion”. As usual, public discussion will be violently encouraged after the concept of reform is adopted (as was the case with the reform of education, wounds, etc.). Therefore, in the first half of the year we will find numerous talk shows about the “amateur performances of citizens in the field” and about “small affairs laboratories”. Ideologically, this will not be built to the Soviet period of “subbotniks”, but to the Solzhenitsyn idea of ​​the revival of the zemstvo. Volodin will have to create some large, media-significant movement of “small things from below”, use it for further depolitization of elections at the local level. A long “Solzhenitsa trend” will develop here: “party policy” is dangerous for the empire, but the zemstvo leads to the “savings of the people”. Although this contrast is historically erroneous (the Zemstvo as a result became a powerful social base of the cadet party and actively participated in party policy by 1917), but this does not matter for propaganda.

In addition, Putin encouraged three ideological topics in his speech. Thus, opening the tender for money for the right attempt to convincingly interpret them. He said that in the West there is “some kind of“ tolerance ””, and we have a friendship of peoples from a century. Thus, the struggle against “Tolerasts” passes from an amateur, marginal level to the state. The same situation is with "conservatism." Having quit Nikolai Berdyaev, Putin opened a competition for a new interpretation of his policy as “conservative”. This opens up the front of work for the publicists "Visati.ru" and "Izvestia" for a whole year. The Volodinsky expert round tables should be waiting for conservatism, and other united efforts of the Literary Newspaper, the Patriarchate, the Yakunin Association of Political Sciences, and so on, and so on. It will be necessary to correctly interpret the quote used by Putin from Berdyaev that "conservatism is the way forward and up." The interpretation of the word “forward” will cost the budget about 60-100 million dollars, and the word “up” will cost much cheaper, no more than $ 10 million. Since patriarchy "political scientists" are less and they are cheap.

In general, Putin outlined a very small program through Volodin. For comparison: on other ministries and departments, his performance was more interesting. And it concerned much more money -consuming projects (affordable housing, defense, struggle with offshores, patents on foreign labor, etc.). But we must not forget that in addition to these new small encumbrances, Volodin is ahead of the Olympics, planned autumn elections and strengthening media control, in which 85% of the traffic, for example, believes the chief of the “Russian planet” Pavel Tinger, after all the consolidation of the media aciates and reform of the RIA are already under the control of AP. There are still as many as 15%left! And each next percentage, as you know, is given more heavier and heavier.