Three conversations

At the beginning of December 2013, when Maidan was just starting to flare up, Alexander Auzan and I started talking about the European integration of Ukraine. As befits an official, the dean of the Moscow State University Faculty of Economics, who was visiting Kyiv on a short friendly visit, insisted that Ukraine should join the Customs Union. They say that for Europe, plunged into crisis, Ukraine is nothing more than a sales market. But at some point Auzan made an argument that I least expected from him. After all, what happens, he asked, if Ukraine leaves for the EU, Russia will be left alone with all these “stans”?

The surprise was not even that in a conversation about Ukraine, one of the leaders of Russian civil society, as I called Auzan in one of my old columns, quietly revised the moral imperative - to treat others as an end, and not as a means . After all, the vast majority of Russians do not separate themselves from Ukrainians, denying that Ukrainians are different (this was the case, at least until very recently). Auzan’s words reminded me of the fears of Russian reformers 23 years ago. The impossibility of being in the same union with the Muslim republics of Central Asia, but without Ukraine, prompted Boris Yeltsin to conclude the Bialowieza Accords and become one of the three gravediggers of the Soviet Union - along with the Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus Stanislav Shushkevich and the President of Ukraine Leonid Kravchuk.

Essentially, the seizure of Crimea and the war in Donbass is a repetition of one of the scenarios that was seriously discussed in the fall of 1991. An idea of ​​them is given by old Moscow newspapers, memoirs and gradually opening archives - unfortunately, mainly in the USA for now. Below I publish a translation of three telephone conversations between George H. W. Bush and his colleagues in the USSR , Russia and Ukraine (the original source can be found on the website of the George W. Bush Presidential Library) - on the eve of and immediately after the presidential elections and referendum on independence, which took place on December 1, 1991 (notes in square brackets are mine).

What catches your eye when reading texts from almost a quarter of a century ago? Gorbachev appears in the tragic and even sinister role of the last defender of the union center. In this capacity, he and his colleagues in the union leadership made a lot of efforts to undermine the internal stability of future independent states. It was Gorbachev, trying to weaken his opponents during the preparation of the union treaty, who pushed the autonomous republics and ethno-cultural enclaves towards self-determination within the Soviet republics. In this sense, Vladimir Putin continues today the revisionist course of the Soviet president.

In the fall of 1991, Yeltsin’s entourage actively debated the idea of ​​reformatting the union on imperial principles—without a union center, but with Moscow as the economic and military-political hegemon. Throughout the 1990s, the imperialists in the security and political structures will remind themselves more than once - in Transnistria, Abkhazia, Crimea and Chechnya, but they will not have a decisive influence on the formation of the Kremlin’s policy. In October–November 1991, Yeltsin made a different choice: Russia was to assert its leadership in the post-Soviet space as a flagship of democratization and radical market reforms. Administrative boundaries between union republics were recognized as not subject to appeal. The Russian authorities formalized the final abandonment of this doctrine only in September 2008, after the Russian-Georgian war.

Gorbachev: “We cannot agree with the separatists”

Saturday, November 30, 1991

9.01–9.37 American time, 17.01–17.37 Moscow time.

Camp David, Moscow

Bush's call to USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev.

BUSH: Hello.

GORBACHEV: Hello, George. Glad to hear your voice on the phone.

BUSH: I'm calling to share my concerns about Ukraine. I read Soviet statements that bothered me. I'm sure you're concerned too.

GORBACHEV: George, it’s good that you started this conversation yourself. I see this as a continuation of our discussion in Madrid [The Madrid conference to work out a path to reconciliation between Israel and the Palestinians was held from October 30 to November 1].

BUSH: I'd like to lay out a few positions that I've worked out with [Secretary of State] Jim Baker and [National Security Adviser] Brent Scowcroft and hear your reaction.

GORBACHEV: Okay, I’m ready to listen and take notes.

BUSH: First of all, I want to say that I approve of your mediation in the dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia. This is very good and we approve of your actions.

GORBACHEV: We will try to use exactly this approach to end the conflict. But it is difficult to expect immediate results. The discrepancies are very large.

BUSH: I know. Now - about Ukraine. Everything indicates that the overwhelming majority will vote for independence. This will be a powerful signal for the whole world, a real celebration of the new atmosphere created after the suppression of the putsch. You know America's traditions as a democratic nation. We must support the Ukrainian people. But we want to do it in a way that encourages a peaceful transition to a new order built on productive relations with the center and friendly relations between Ukraine and Russia. We don't want to inadvertently create difficulties for you or Yeltsin.

But if the result of the referendum meets expectations, the only question is when and how we and other countries will recognize Ukrainian independence.

It seems to us that recognition of Ukrainian independence can return them to the negotiating table on a union treaty. By removing any questions about the recognition of their sovereignty, they can participate without fear of compromising their independence.

Look, if we are moving towards recognition, I need to be clear that agreements will be reached on the following points:

— collective, centralized control over nuclear weapons;

— a nuclear-free Ukraine that will sign the [nuclear weapons] non-proliferation treaty;

— respect for human rights, with equal rights for minorities; And

— compliance with existing treaties (the Strategic Offensive Arms Treaty and the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe).

We will also continue to insist that the Ukrainian government implement market reforms and accept responsibility for its share of the Soviet Union's debts.

I will ask Jim Baker to send a special envoy to Kyiv to begin discussions on these and other points. We want to cooperate with Ukraine. The outcome of these discussions will determine our next steps.

We will make a statement immediately following the referendum to clarify our approach. It will also highlight our desire to work closely with you and President Yeltsin. It goes without saying that we will not announce recognition of Ukraine until these issues are resolved.

I haven't talked to Yeltsin yet. It's clear that I'm going to do this. I am also consulting with NATO allies about our approach to the new situation.

These are the main positions. I'd like to hear your reaction. Ambassador Strauss has already reported Shevardnadze's concerns. I hope what I have said alleviates these concerns.

GORBACHEV: Okay, George. I'll try to say something. We are discussing an issue of enormous importance - not only for our relations, but also for the future of the union. It is of interest not only to our people, but also to Europe and the whole world. First of all, the fate of the union depends on him.

I will not hide that the leak from the White House, in the sense that the issue of recognition of Ukraine is being seriously considered by the United States, especially due to the fact that the leak occurred on the eve of the referendum, was perceived negatively [at a meeting in the White House with Americans of Ukrainian descent On November 27, Bush announced that in the event of a positive outcome of the referendum, he would take steps to recognize the independence of Ukraine]. It looks like the United States is not only trying to influence events, but also to intervene.

Secondly, most of the republics declared independence. This does not prevent them from participating in the creation of a new Union of Sovereign States. In reality, sovereignty gives them the freedom to participate.

Thus, the referendum does not automatically mean that Ukraine has left the Soviet Union, but that this is a break in relations between Ukraine and the Union.

We really want there to be no rush on this delicate and important issue. I would like to recall the situation in Yugoslavia that led to the current state of affairs. But George, the current situation is even more complex than it was in Yugoslavia. If someone in Ukraine declares secession from the Union and someone comes out in support of this, then this will mean that 12 million Russians and representatives of other peoples become citizens of a foreign state. Crimea has already announced that if Ukraine moves away from the Union, Crimea will reconsider the status of Crimea in Ukraine. A question will also arise regarding Donetsk.

We all have to act - and I hope you understand this because it matters where the President of the United States stands - to act in a way that doesn't push things in the wrong direction. Keep in mind the advice of those who want processes to proceed naturally. This takes time.

There are forces around Yeltsin that advocate Russian independence and the return of all Russian lands, including those that are now in Kazakhstan, Ukraine and other [republics]. If this process begins to unfold, it will be a disaster for Russia, Ukraine and the rest of the world.

Therefore, I would recall our last conversation in Madrid, where we discussed the common interest of the United States and Europe in preserving a reformed, democratizing Union.

These are the thoughts I wanted to express to you. I just spoke with Yeltsin. We will closely monitor the referendum in Ukraine. Perhaps after the referendum I will organize a meeting between the presidents of Russia and Ukraine. Therefore, I urge you to be very careful and measured, to act slowly and cooperate.

BUSH: First of all, I want to collaborate. Our recognition of independence will be directed against radical elements in Russia and Ukraine. I want to support the reasoned position you have outlined for working with [all involved] parties.

Mikhail, if the referendum passes, what are you and Yeltsin expected to say about independence? Not about recognition, but about independence?

GORBACHEV: We will say what I already said. I hope Yeltsin says the same thing. Independence strengthens Ukraine's sovereignty and gives it the opportunity to engage in free dialogue with other republics on further cooperation, including a political and economic union - a political union including defense.

We cannot agree with the separatists who want to use the independence vote as a vote for secession, for breaking with the union. Each US state is sovereign, but we deal with the United States as a strong nation.

BUSH: Exactly. By recognizing the desire of Ukrainians for independence, we will pave the way for resolving pressing issues that stand in the way of political and economic reforms.

Mikhail, believe me, I’m not trying to create difficulties for you or Yeltsin and I’m not going to meddle in your internal affairs. I want to emphasize once again: I do not want to inadvertently play along with the radicals in Russia or Ukraine.

I will listen carefully to you and the Russian Republic. Jim Baker is in close contact with Edward. We will work hand in hand on issues of borders, nuclear weapons and relations between the center and the republics. I just wanted to discuss this with you personally.

GORBACHEV: Yesterday I had a meeting of the Political Advisory Council. [Alexander] Yakovlev, Shevardnadze, Popov, Sobchak, Yavlinsky, Petrakov, Bakatin and Yegor Yakovlev are a proven team of people focused on reforms who have gone through the crucible.

The main thing we discussed was political union. Everyone has spoken. We sat from three to nine in the evening. Each said that political union was vital. Without this, the result could be catastrophic for the Soviet Union, for you and for the whole world.

All council members agreed to do everything possible to speed up the process in order to encourage politicians to sign the treaty. I’m telling you about this so that you understand what is being discussed, how we all think.

BUSH: I don't need to tell you that we have great respect for those you listed. They are seasoned in trials and this impresses us.

GORBACHEV: George, I highly appreciate this call and our direct, friendly conversation. I deeply believe that our cooperation and engagement with the US administration - which is only possible with a renewed alliance - is vital. This is very important for the whole world.

BUSH: We are closely monitoring events. I'm always available, as is Jim Baker, anytime. Now I’ll try to get through to Yeltsin.

GORBACHEV: Okay, George. I shake your hand. My colleagues and I wish you and your staff all the best. Warm greetings from Raisa to you and Barbara.

BUSH: Of course, my situation is not as tense as yours. I can't understand everything you've been through, but I have a lot of things thrown at me too, so in some, very small way, I understand what you're going through. Well, I wish you success.

GORBACHEV: Thank you and goodbye.

BUSH: Bye.

Yeltsin: “We must recognize the independence of Ukraine”

Saturday, November 30, 1991

9.42–10.19 American time, 17.42–18.19 Moscow time.

Camp David, Moscow

YELTSIN: Hello?

BUSH: Boris? Can you hear me?

YELTSIN: I hear you, Mr. President. Glad to hear your voice.

BUSH: First of all, I want to greet you personally. Then I want to give my comments on Ukraine so that you and I have no disagreements on this issue.

YELTSIN: First of all, Mr. President, I want to ask, have you seen Kozyrev and did he give you my letter?

BUSH: We had a very good visit. I have studied the letter in which you detail your views on the future of Russia. I appreciate it very much.

YELTSIN: I want to confirm once again that we have finally decided to take major steps towards reform starting from December 16th. We will decisively begin reform by liberalizing most prices.

BUSH: That's a very brave move. I also noted that you are ready to create an economic community with equal rights for Ukraine and other republics, and a political union...

YELTSIN: Okay, let's talk about Ukraine.

BUSH: Let's go over my points and then I'd love to hear your response and criticism.

YELTSIN: Please.

BUSH: First, regarding your reaction to Sunday's referendum. We think that a large majority will vote for independence. This will be a powerful signal from the people of Ukraine and a true triumph of the new atmosphere created by you when you became the head of the forces that suppressed the putsch.

I hope you understand that as a democratic nation we must support the will of the Ukrainian people. But we want to do it in a way that encourages a peaceful transition to a new order built on strong, friendly Ukrainian-Russian relations.

We had a very good conversation with Kozyrev. I assured him that we did not want to support interactions that would play into the hands of radicals in Russia or Ukraine.

We think it would be a mistake to take actions that look like resistance or some kind of punishment through economic sanctions for voting in favor of independence. We feel that Ukrainian independence is inevitable and regard this as a tribute to the victory over the putsch, in which your role was key. We also think that priority must be given to measures to ensure that independence advances the cause of peace, freedom and democracy in Ukraine and Russia.

In moving towards recognition, I want to ensure that measures are taken that will ensure:

— collective, centralized control over nuclear weapons;

— the nuclear-free status of Ukraine, which will sign the treaty on the non-proliferation [of nuclear weapons];

— respect for human rights, with equal rights for minorities; And

— compliance with existing treaties (START and CFE Treaties).

I asked Jim Baker to send a special envoy to Kyiv to begin discussions with the Ukrainian leadership.

I called you and Gorbachev, I just finished a conversation with Gorbachev. He says that you intend to meet with the elected leadership [of Ukraine] soon.

But after the referendum we will issue a statement that explains our approach. The statement will also highlight our commitment to working closely with you and President Gorbachev. This will not be a recognition, but rather a declaration of independence.

We are also consulting with NATO allies to coordinate our approach to this new situation.

We believe that ties between Russia and Ukraine are strong. The Declaration of Independence won't change that.

These are the main theses. I look forward to hearing your candid views on the US position, but mainly on how events will develop.

YELTSIN: I understand, Mr. President, your concern about the current situation with our union. Right now, only seven states are ready to sign the draft union treaty - five Islamic and two Slavic (Belarus and Russia). This worries me very much.

I will speak to you with complete frankness - as always. I believe that a Union without Ukraine will be a rather weak union. I told Gorbachev today and said yesterday in a newspaper interview that if Ukraine does not join the Union, then this is a problem for Russia.

Gorbachev all the time says that he will agree with Ukrainian leaders and they will sign an agreement. But if the referendum shows that the majority of the people of Ukraine for independence, then this means that Ukrainians will not sign the contract that the sovereign states are being prepared for the Union.

This will lead to a dramatic change in balance in the Union between Slavic and Muslim nations. We cannot allow a situation in which two Slavic states, Russia and Belarus, have two votes against five votes among Muslim nations.

Moreover, after Russia, Ukraine is the largest state, and we have good relations. We do not want to lose this good relationship; We want to develop them.

I told Gorbachev that I could not imagine an alliance without Ukraine. Of course, it is too early to draw conclusions until there are no referendum results.

I agree that the United States, which always supported human rights, the right to self -determination and democracy, that the United States cannot simply ignore the desire of a large people to independence. The process that took place in the case of the Baltic countries - when Russia, and then the United States recognized their independence, after the Baltic countries, for quite logical reasons, asked the United States to support - held democratic processes.

I think that the new Ukrainian president will not enter into negotiations with Gorbachev, but will begin negotiations with Russia.

As for nuclear weapons, I agree that this is a truly necessary condition. All four conditions - I will not list them all, but I remember them - important. But at the same time, Russia cannot put forward similar requirements for Ukraine in the current context.

If Russia after a referendum (if he has a positive outcome) does not recognize the independence of Ukraine, this will complicate relations with Ukraine. It will also create new reasons for pressure from extremists - if we do not recognize [independence].

Therefore, we consider it more correct - if, say, 70% of voters will vote for independence - so that Russia recognizes the independence of Ukraine, it does not matter to sign an agreement on a political union or not.

Bush: That's right right away?

Yeltsin: Yes, we must do it immediately. Otherwise, our position will be without any need for slurred, especially since we are approaching the New Year and new reforms. Gorbachev does not know about this. He still thinks that Ukraine will sign.

We will meet with the new president of Ukraine in early December to discuss the principles of relations between Russia and Ukraine. We need to discuss:

- centralized control over strategic nuclear weapons;

- The export of nuclear warheads from the Ukrainian territory, even if it will have to be spent 25 billion rubles and it will take several years.

They have very modern installations there - large starting mines.

Of course, we will talk about Ukraine to adopt all international nuclear weapons agreements. We also want to agree with each other about the number of armed forces or the National Guard.

When I was in Germany, I talked with the Kold about the possibility that, say, the USA, Germany and France, together with the rest of the G-7, convince Ukraine to conclude an agreement taking into account these requirements. But now I think it is completely useless. This will only strengthen extremist groups.

If we do not recognize the independence of Ukraine, even with the conditions - and the conditions that you have listed are necessary - this will be a very strong blow to democracy. This can cause a rebellion of extremist forces, especially since Ukraine is ready to recognize all international agreements on human rights.

But you're right. We cannot lose connections between Russia and Ukraine. Together with a very narrow circle of key advice, I now think how to maintain an alliance, and also, how not to lose relations with Ukraine. Our relations with Ukraine are more important than with the Republics of Central Asia, which we feed all the time. On the other hand, we cannot forget about the factor of Islamic fundamentalism.

In this difficult situation, it is not easy to find the optimal solution. In any case, you need to wait for the referendum results. We must recognize the independence of Ukraine.

I ask you, Mr. President, not to disclose the content of this conversation until the results of the referendum are published.

Bush: I give you a word.

Yeltsin: Good. Are you satisfied with my explanation of the position of Russia?

Bush: Yes. I assure you that we do not want to play in the hands of extremists in Russia or anywhere else.

Yeltsin: Of course.

Bush: I appreciate it. We must remain in dense contact.

Yeltsin: Mr. President, I am glad to be in telephone contact. I assure you that we are about to begin a serious reform that will radicalize Russia and turn Russia into a locomotive that will pull other republics along the path of democracy. The reform will begin on December 16 and will be very difficult. There will be critical moments when people can go out. I hope we can count on the support of the G-7 at these critical moments.

I also want to say that I met with Gorbachev and the leaders of the Union Government on the budget, because the budget is on the verge of collapse. The Union has no money for the army, science, culture and everything else. Russia, on the other hand, has a budget with a surplus. So only Russia can save the whole country.

We agreed to create a consolidated Union-Russian budget. All republics agreed to give a guarantee on a loan that one Russia will provide the Union. In this way, we can support the Soviet Union so as not to go bankrupt for our obligations to the rest of the world. So Russia is ready to transfer 60 billion rubles to the union budget. But everyone should fully understand that we cannot always be such altruists.

Therefore, since 1992, all republics must take responsibility for their affairs. The transition to reform will be very tough and realistic. We cannot allow the budget deficit of more than 4-5%.

I was glad to talk to you about it. We will continue this practice of mutual consultations.

Bush: Undoubtedly, we will continue, and thank you. So far, Boris

Yeltsin: Thank you. I wish you success to the American people.

Kravchuk: "90.3% of voters approved the independence of Ukraine "

Tuesday, December 3, 1991

6: 59–7: 09 in the morning of American, 13: 59–14: 09 Kyiv time

Oval office, White House, Washington - Kyiv

Bush: Do you hear me, Mr. President?

Kravchuk: I hear you, Mr. President.

Bush: I'm calling to congratulate you on a deafening victory and impressive referendum results.

Kravchuk: I am grateful to you, Mr. President. 90.3% of voters supported the independence of Ukraine. I recall our conversations in the White House about the future of Ukraine [September 25 Kravchuk was in Washington on an official visit] and a referendum.

I must tell you that in Ukraine there is not a single area where the independence of Ukraine supported less than 50%. And these elections took place before the eyes of international observers, including observers from the USA.

Bush: Congratulations on all this.

Yesterday we made a statement with congratulations to Ukraine about the voting results. We sent a copy of the [representative of the Ukrainian SSR in the UN General Assembly] Udovenko to the UN. I will be glad to hear from you any comments on the statement that expresses US policy in relation to Ukraine.

In the coming days, I will send the assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs Thomas Nilez as a special envoy for consultations regarding American-Ukrainian relations. If you are not too busy, I hope you can accept it.

I would like that after Nilez’s return, Jim Baker went to Kyiv and Moscow to continue the discussions launched by Nyls.

Kravchuk: Very good. I will be very happy to accept Deputy Secretary of State Niles to talk about all the problems of mutual interest. In the future, we will be very happy to accept Mr. Baker for more detailed discussions in order to determine our positions in American-Ukrainian relations, especially on issues as disarmament and human rights. We want to discuss all issues that need to be resolved so that we can be accepted into the international community.

Bush: Great. These are the issues that I wanted to discuss. Obviously, the transition to independence will require the solution of some complex issues that exist between Ukraine and Russia - in the economy, the military sphere and related to this area. Obviously, you want a peaceful resolution of these issues.

In fact, I wanted to call you to make sure that you can accept the assistant Secretary of State Niles and Secretary of State Baker, and wish you everything the best, the best at the time when you start implementing your program.

Kravchuk: Thank you, Mr. President. I want to say that I was talking with President Yeltsin. He said that after the announcement of the referendum results, Russia recognizes Ukraine as an independent state. This Saturday I meet with Mr. Yeltsin in Minsk - there will be Shushkevich - to discuss all issues of our policy and priority moments in relations with the Russian Republic.

Bush: Very important. This is wonderful.

Kravchuk: Thanks again for the conversation and for your desire to know Ukraine better. I am waiting for the visit of the assistant secretary and Secretary of State. I will be very glad to meet them.

Bush: Good luck. Thank you. Once again, congratulations on an excellent demonstration of democracy and your excellent victory.

Kravchuk: Thank you again. I must tell you that my inauguration is on Thursday.

Bush: Good luck.

Kravchuk: All the best.

Instead of the afterword

As Yeltsin suggested, Russia recognized the independence of Ukraine before the United States - December 5th. The United States recognized her twenty days later.

The protagonist of the Ukrainian tragedy of 2014 Vladimir Putin was then behind the scenes, although next to the stage. Here is what the assistant to the President of the USSR Andrei Chernyaev wrote in his diary on October 19, 1991: “[Gorbachev] accepted Fosherau, the burgomaster of Hamburg, in order to please the mayor of St. Petersburg Sobchak, who, having asked, did not even consider it necessary to come to the meeting, but sent his“ Foreign Minister ". There are now such in Leningrad. ”

The 39-year-old Putin worked as chairman of the St. Petersburg City Hall Committee on External Relations. In his first -person memoirs, he describes a visit to an erotic show in Hamburg (“This is not the first time I was in Hamburg and, not believe, he studied their evil places in duty: we tried to restore order in the gambling business of St. -Petersburg ").

But that's a completely different story.