
How long will you have to be abroad?
- I don't know for sure. In many ways, this will depend on how the events in Russia will develop. I had to leave, because a very tense situation has developed around me and my family. It was monitored, threats from the employees of law enforcement agencies sounded. If such a situation will persist and aggravate, in the near future I will not return to Russia. Although I can't say for sure. Everything is possible.
What are you doing now, what are you planning to do?
- Now I just rest and recover after the prison. Do not forget, before leaving, I had to spend more than two and a half years on a false charge in a pre -trial detention center. And now I enjoy everything that I have not had for so long: a society of close people, air, the sun, and the opportunity to move freely. Of course, all this cannot last indefinitely. Having restored strength, I will return to active social activity. I have a desire to make contact with Russian political emigrants, which are not so few abroad. Together we will come up with something.
Is it clear already how to legally arrange a long stay abroad?
- We will draw up everything in accordance with the legislation of the countries of stay. I plan to travel a little. I don’t know exactly how it will look and how many countries we will visit. As for the work, I will also solve this issue over time. It's too early to talk about it.
Does surveillance of you still continue? How can it be motivated?
- It seems that surveillance continues. Special services prefer to control active opposition even abroad. Collects information who is doing what, whether this or that person is dangerous. Normal operational work. But one cannot completely exclude the possibility of preparing new provocations. A person can be substituted even when he is abroad. Therefore, I attracted the attention of the media and the public to this topic in order to prevent possible provocations.
How was the detention in March 2012?
- The detention took place in the form of an assault on the apartment where I lived at that time. At first, the Police Cunards tried to lure me out of the apartment with a janitor, who stated that I had to rearrange a car that interferes with snowpock equipment. I suspected something was wrong and did not succumb to this trick, remaining in the apartment. Then the opera began to break the doors. As I later understood, they tried to lure me in order to pre -process, so far no one knows about my detention, and bring me to the department already with a confession, as is often done. People are delayed, tortured, forced to confess to some crimes, and then explain that you are innocent. This time they did not succeed. During the time, while the apartment was stormed, I managed to call a lawyer, notify relatives, associates and journalists. I think that saved me. When they detained me, they no longer dared to open violent actions.
How did the investigative actions go, what were they concluded, how did investigators and operatives behave?
- First, they demanded that I give information about the participants in the protest movement. So they said: “We do not need you. You give us layouts on these people and go home, ”and the photos of people in the crowd of protesters showed. I immediately refused. Moreover, he generally stopped discussing this topic with them, demanding to explain to me on what basis I was detained and what I am accused of. What did they answer me: “Are you stubborn? So, you will sit behind others. ” After that, recognition began. They brought false witness Andrei Sofronov, who was intoxicated, and began to interrogate him. The investigator and operatives instructed him about what kind of testimony should be given, pressed against him, shouted. And in the end, it was completely recorded in his own way. He signed them without looking.
They didn’t even really explain to me what I am suspected of, they did not indicate the date of the crime. Sofronov did not remember either the day or the time of the crime, which was reflected in the protocols of investigative actions. It was indicated "in early December 2011." That is, I could not give any intelligible testimony, not even knowing the date of the crime. All this disgrace resulted in an open conflict, and in the end I generally refused to testify. In the end, I was officially detained and sent to the IVS.
On the way to the investigation department, the investigators threatened me, demanded to testify, “talk”. But the absurdity was that I did not know what I had to testify.
Only the next day, during the court hearing, I found out exactly what I suspect and when the crime was imputed to me. But no one wanted to listen to me. When the lawyer announced the availability of Alibi, the judge answered simply: "I do not care."
How did the accusation formulations change?
- Judging by the case file, initially I was not there at all. The first protocols of Sofronov’s interrogations say that he did not see the murder and did not know what happened to the murdered Alexei Temnikov, as he ran away from the scene. He learned about the death of Temnikov from police officers. Verbatim! Then, closer to the end of December 2011, when the famous conversation with the EE center had already occurred and I refused to cooperate, the EE center reports about my possible involvement in the crime. That is, a false denunciation on me was lowered to local operatives from the ED center.
And then a long lull followed. Already at the beginning of February 2012, a new interrogation of Sofronov took place, at which he allegedly recognizes me as a participant in a fight and a person who “attended a blow to Temnikov” by another person. Here I already appear as a participant in the fight and witness to the murder of Temnikov. Apparently, at that time, such a version arranged falsification customers.
At the end of February, I took part in several rallies of protest, worked in the Civil Council (protest traffic control), prepared large protests with his comrades, which were supposed to take place in early May 2012. At that moment, the investigators decided to change my role in the incriminated crime. On March 21, the next interrogation of Sofronov was carried out, and from the “participant in the fight” and supposedly a witness of the murder, I turned into the main suspect. And the next day they detained me.
Then a long confusion began with the qualification of the crime. At first I was accused under Part 1 of Art. 105 of the Criminal Code with an idiotic formulation of the murder of “out of a suddenly flared personal hostility” to a stranger. But the day after my election to the coordination council of the opposition, they changed my qualifications to a more difficult one-“Murder from Hooligan motives” (part 2 of article 105 of the Criminal Code-ATS-Info) and added to me Art. 296 of the Criminal Code is a threat to the investigator. The new qualification of the prosecution and the new article gave me the right to demand to consider my case with the participation of the jury, which I did. However, the “law enforcement officers” did not dare to go to the jury with such a case and went to unprecedented measures. They urgently removed from me the accusation of the threat to the investigator and softened me to transfer the case to the district court - the manual, controlled by the federal judge. When this is beneficial to the prosecutors, they are ready to go to anything, up to the softening and removal of certain accusations.
How did familiarization with the case file?
-I felt like some enemy of the number one state. Here is a characteristic example. On the May holidays, the investigative corps of "sailor silence" is usually closed. Investigative actions are not carried out. No one is acquainted with the case file. But not Daniil Konstantinov!
I was the only pre -trial detention center to the investigative building and introduced me to the materials. Imagine, everyone is resting, nobody. The light does not work on the investigative building. And only one is led and forced to get acquainted with the materials of the criminal case. But this is only a light touch. The oddities were in another. I was limited twice in familiarization, some material evidence that I never met from me was covered from me. The accused was twice judged, never familiarizing themselves with all the materials of the criminal case and with material evidence! And then these material evidence completely disappeared. Gone right in court!
It was not possible to get acquainted with all audio-video materials in the case. The investigation clearly did not want me to personally look through all the recordings from the video surveillance cameras near the metro station “Academician Yangel Street” (where the murder of Temnikov-OTD-Info). Nevertheless, I got acquainted with part of the records and saw people who are suitable for the initial description of the attackers by Sofronov, and immediately petitioned for the search for these people. Naturally, no one began to look for them.
How did you manage to the pre -trial detention center, have the attitude of employees, cellmates changed?
- In the pre -trial detention center they treated me normally. True, initially some pressure was on me. They threatened, arranged provocations, set up cellmates against me. All this continued during the preliminary investigation and stopped after the case was transferred to court. Socialmers almost always treated well. Political prisoners in Russian prisons are generally treated with understanding. This is due to the fact that the general attitude of prisoners towards the state in Russia is rather negative.
I will not particularly spread about provocations. There were many of them. Here is just one example. After a few months of my stay in the pre -trial detention center, I was transferred to the cell, where there were only Caucasians, and began to spread rumors that I was a terrible skinhead. Every day, the operative called the watchman behind the camera and told him all sorts of fables about me, tuned against me. As a result, they overdid it. The provocations against me became so obvious that the prisoners stopped paying any attention to them. By the way, this is a common case of pressing Russian nationalists. Often, they are one at a time in the cells to the Caucasians and Asians, and then the work of technology. The fact that I am not a radical also helped me. I have never participated in any violent shares, I adhere to moderate views. People understood this. Therefore, gross provocations of operatives were not successful.
How did the usual day flowed in a pre -trial detention center?
- I'll try to describe. At 6 in the morning there should be a rise, but no one in our isolator got up. Such was the situation in our prison. At 7:30 - breakfast. At 8 in the morning, a walk began, and then at about 10 o’clock morning check. The further daily routine depended on whether the prisoner participated in investigative actions. If participates, then it is taken to the investigative building. Otherwise, he remains in the cell until evening. I was usually in the cell. For some reason, no one was eager to carry out investigative actions with me. It is understandable. Why carry out investigative actions, if the investigation is linden and everything has long been a foregone conclusion?
During my detention, I submitted dozens of petitions with a request to carry out certain investigative actions. Almost always refused me. Four times I asked to check my testimony on the spot, offering to show the investigation of my entire route on December 3, 2011, the places I drove in, the restaurant in which we celebrated my mother’s birthday, the table we were sitting at. They never let me do it. The investigation categorically did not want to consolidate evidence of protection. Here is another example - for two years we asked the investigators to get a billing of my phone with access to the Internet with binding to the basic cellular stations. This could immediately and absolutely confirm my Alibi. The investigation was known that all the other billing of all witnesses confirming my alibi fully confirm their testimony. The investigation could not go for such a risk. Without an explanation of the reasons, they every time they refused me in this petition. Although, it would seem, who, as not an investigator, should be interested in obtaining maximum information on the case. That is why I usually had to be in the cell. The investigation avoided any investigative actions with me. And I read, wrote articles and complaints, was engaged in physical education. So usually my day passed.
Were there any obstacles to date?
- There were no obstacles to the dates. But I didn’t really want my loved ones to go to jail. The fact is that the meeting room in the "sailor silence" has a very depressing appearance. Undressed, dark and wet walls. Muffled, unpleasant light. Communication with relatives occurs on the telephone tube and through glass. Very gloomy and no confidentiality (the conversation is obeyed). I did not want my relatives to the impression that in the whole prison I was so gloomy that I was sitting in such conditions. Therefore, after my first date with my mother, I did not repeat this experience.
How did the escorts treat you?
- Both the escort of prisoners and their maintenance in courts and assemblies in prison are left to be desired. This is especially true for the defendants. They have a special delivery regime to the courts. People are raised at seven in the morning and taken to assemblies (premises), where they can spend several hours. Several dozens of people can fill such an assembly, among whom there are tuberculi with open form. That is, all conditions are created for the massive spread of such a terrible disease. The negligence of the employees of the pre -trial detention center and their indifference to the fate of prisoners lead to the fact that many people get tuberculosis, and then go free and carry it “to the masses”.
After assembling people, they are also put in a crowd in autozaki, where everyone again sits interspersed, including tuberculosis, which is prohibited by the rules for transporting under investigation and defendants. But this does not bother anyone. Auto -zak stuffed with people begin to carry throughout Moscow to different ships.
This process can take several hours. Pretty painful process! Well, then you get into the convoy room of the court, where you are again put in a stuffy and cramped box. The champion of discomfort among the convoy premises is the boxes of the Moscow City Court, in which a person can spend several hours in conditions of terrible hypodynamia. A small bench for one person and a small space nearby to stand - that’s the whole box. You can’t walk or lie there. Two people usually plant in such boxes. In such a room, I once spent eight hours. In fact, these are torture conditions of detention, which is recognized as the European court on human rights.
In convoy rooms, people are often beaten, sometimes very cruel. As a rule, they beat for the refusal to undress. It happens that the convoy simply provoke the defendants, and then they themselves are beaten. There is a special punitive detachment in the convoy regiment - an immediate response group. They show some unprecedented cruelty in the beatings of the defendants. I know cases when people were taken to hospitals after meeting with this group of retreating convoy. They can beat people for hours, chase handcuffs to the benches, forcibly plant on the twine.
It was this group that was sent to me for the verdict on December 26, 2013. I do not want to talk about what was happening in the convoy room that day. It's too unpleasant. If in short, the special forces provoked a conflict, and then they themselves applied special equipment to me. They beat them with an electric shocker, put on stretching, stretched out in different directions handcuffs (as I spent several hours), threatened with sexual violence. All this was aimed at suppressing my will to the sentence, making me be silent and behave quietly.
Recently, the father of the murdered appealed the verdict. Is something known about the development of the situation?
A very strange situation. For more than two and a half years, the father of the murdered manifested no interest in the matter. I did not get acquainted with the case file (he was offered twice), did not go to the courts, did not even come to the verdict. Complete indifference! He complained that he did not have a lawyer (he works as a simple installer). And suddenly, after they released me, he became interested in this case and he had a lawyer who appealed the sentence. All this looks somehow strange. I assume that they had an impact on him and convinced that it was necessary to appeal the verdict.
It turns out that all this happened to you simply because you refused to knock the center "E"? Many were recruited during protests, not everyone agreed, but only you got so cruelly.
“Don't you think this question is not for me?” You better contact the GUPE Ministry of Internal Affairs to General Smirnov or Colonel Didenko, who were developing this case. Or in the Office of “M” of the FSB of Russia, which has led to operational support in this “ordinary case of household murder”. I have only assumptions. It's not only about the refusal of cooperation. Many in the special services and in the administration did not like the appearance of the “League of the Defense of Moscow”, which seemed to them with a kind of combat wing of the national opposition. It was represented, since the league acted exclusively in the legitimate field. Особенно беспокойство властей усилилось после того, как мы решительно влились в ряды протестного движения. Это стало сигналом к атаке. Именно после моего участия в митинге 5 декабря 2011 года «За честные выборы», когда мы с товарищами возглавили одну из колонн протестующих, со мной была проведена беседа (в ту же ночь) и предложено сотрудничество.
Вам эти доводы могут показаться неубедительными. В этом случае вы можете обратиться к материалам дела, в которых сохранились некоторые документы Центра «Э». В них рисуется страшный, демонический образ Даниила Константинова. Руководитель какого-то мифического подполья. Проводит массовые акции протеста и сам же их финансирует при помощи каких-то финансовых схем и аффилированных предприятий! Организует пиар-кампании в СМИ и финансовую помощь лицам, осужденным за экстремизм. Вы только вдумайтесь! Что им мерещилось в моем лице?! Разумеется, все эти сведения в дальнейшем не нашли никакого подтверждения. Но видно одно: планировался большой политический процесс против национального крыла оппозиции. Что-то наподобие «Болотного дела», только справа. В этих документах указан не только я, но и мой отец и ряд других деятелей и организаций русского национального движения. А дело об убийстве должно было выступить основным крючком для меня и формой давления.
Но когда выяснилось, что у меня есть алиби и дело приобрело скандальный характер, было принято решение проводить его втихую, не привлекая большого внимания. Большой процесс тоже не удавалось провести, поскольку не за что было зацепиться. At all! Поэтому они просто стали додавливать дело.
Чем занималась «Лига обороны Москвы»?
— Нам удалось раскрутить новую политическую организацию буквально за пару месяцев. На первую же нашу акцию — «Марш против этнопреступности» — без особой подготовки нам удалось вывести около тысячи человек. И это была молодежь. Молодые пассионарные ребята, которые по своему темпераменту отличались от обычного контингента Болотной. Такая организация в дальнейшем могла бы стать серьезной силой в составе протестного движения. А потом пошла кампания «Хватит кормить Кавказ», которая очень не понравилась властям. На эту тему высказывались и Путин, и Медведев, и даже Кадыров. Звучали радикальные антикремлевские лозунги «Хватит кормить партию жуликов и воров», «Хватит кормить Кремль» и т. д. Но нам не дали толком развернуться. Спустя пять месяцев после начала моей активной общественной деятельности меня уже арестовали.
В одном интервью ваш отец, описывая возможные причины вашего ареста, говорил : «Он всегда отвергал любые формы сотрудничества со спецслужбами. Поверьте, это не так часто встречается в националистическом сегменте оппозиции». Is it really so?
— Я не могу ответить что-то конкретное. У меня нет доказательств, а выдвигать голословные предположения я не люблю.
Как лучше действовать протестным группам сейчас в России?
— Надо хоть как-то действовать, а не сидеть сложа руки. И еще один важный момент: необходимо самим формировать и навязывать свою повестку дня, а не плестись в фарватере гостелерадио. Все это навязанные дилеммы и конфликты, из-за которых оппозиция раскалывается. Пока что оппозиция действует в реактивном режиме, лишь реагируя на сигналы сверху. Это касается в том числе и украинской проблемы. Надо было не раскалываться по этому вопросу, а дожимать власть по своим вопросам. Я принципиальный сторонник идеи объединенной оппозиции.