
Francois reminds me of the "scandal with tweet":
- It was a disaster. Probably, then we had to disperse.
But he is well aware of the circumstances of that incident. I do not deny my guilt. I have transferred all the consequences of this matter, it today pursues me, and I know that I made a mistake. But even that day nothing would happen that day, he would not sit down to me once again. And then I would not write those irreparable words.
Everything happened before the start of the presidential election, when the victory was already looming on the horizon and Ruyal Rual aloud dreamed of a high position. Five years earlier, she did not go to the president and now directed her ambitions to the leadership of the lower house of parliament.
We discussed this several times with Francois. He was against her election, realizing that it risks complicating the situation in both media and political terms. Everyone was aware of their personal relations, including me. They had four common children, which in itself is fine. However, the possibility of the election by Alean Ruayal to the post of chairman of the National Assembly would again unleashed the media bacchanalia about the love triangle, from which we have already suffered a lot.
Many lawyers also paid the attention of Francois to the hidden danger of a close connection between the executive and legislative branches of the authorities, while the Constitution requires a clear separation of their powers. Since 1875, the president has no right to attend the National Assembly and enter the meeting room.
The situation in which Francois Hollande will be president, and the mother of his children - the chairman of the National Assembly would surely become the subject of endless controversy. Francois understood this, but was in no hurry to destroy the dream of Ruylen Ruayal. On the contrary, he encouraged her, because it was this option that he discussed with her after the first round of elections of the candidate from the socialists when she supported him against his rival Martin Obri. But officially he assured the public that it was undesirable for him as a third party in the state. This two -dealing did not surprise me. How many times I have heard, when his first secretary of the Socialist Party, how he encourages some candidate and at the same time does everything to lose. How many times he secretly created obstacles to him, providing support to others! This is a born politician, with all the ensuing consequences. Tactics are his second nature.
The first tour of the parliamentary elections in June 2012 did not bring the success of New Ruayal. She was sent to run in La Rochelle, because she lost her district to another woman-candidate. But the inhabitants of the La Rosheli supported the local candidate, the “dissident” of the Socialist Party, Olivier Falorny, who “breathed in the back” by Ruylen Ruayal in the first round.
I visited the “Elections Night”, an event organized on the day of the first round in the Champs Elysees; It took place in a green living room adjacent to the presidential office. Two dozen computers were placed on the tables. A lot of people gathered, I knew few among people who commented on the data as they arrived. The atmosphere of elective fever reigned here, which is well familiar to me and even pleasant. A buffet was arranged immediately nearby. Francois analyzed the voting results. Finally, the question arose of Ruayal. He shakes his head:
- No chance. She is ahead, she has thirty -two percent, and Falorney has only three less. And he enjoys the support of local residents. In the second round, he will gain more than she.
“You will not do anything to help her?”
“No, you can be calm,” he assures me, “I won’t move me with my finger, I gave my word.”
“You know that Falorny is a decent person and has always been devoted to you.”
- Yes, he is a decent person.
As a true politician, he still calls the Candidate “dissident” and rather sluggishly asks him to be entered. Falorny refuses him, but everything is clear to everyone.

<...>
So, I calmed down: the looting was the ghost of the painful situation finally melted. We do not return to Koshi Street. I even fall asleep on his side of the bed, in the personal apartments of the Champs Elysee, in full confidence that everything is fine. For him, this night will be short: he will wait for the results. I don’t hear him go to bed next to me.
The next morning he leaves very early. We barely manage to listen to the radio together. I linger to put myself in order, and go down to my office a little later. Out of habit, I turn on the iPhone to find out the news of the agency France Press. And suddenly I find a message marked “Urgent”: “Francois Hollande provides support for Alewal Ruayal.” The text sounds clear and simple:
In the district, Primorskaya Shantyle Ruyal Rual, the only candidate from the Socialist Party, who can count on my support.
Francois Hollande, President of the Republic, Monday, June 1, 2012
So he deceived me! And besides, he violated one of his obligations. But why didn’t he honestly tell me about this last night in our conversation? Why didn’t he even try to explain that he couldn’t do otherwise that Ruayal is put on him pressure, that their children stood up for his mother? Probably, at first I would have raged, and then reconciled. And I would understand him, because I myself am primarily a mother, and I know him like no other. Alas, he did not have the courage to tell me everything frankly. He disavowed the promise given publicly, oathly confirmed, and acted so for purely personal reasons. And he lied to me - lied once again.
In a rage, I immediately call Francois and warn that I will vote for Falorni. I was still shocked by how rudely the Falorni tried to remove from participation in the elections, and now he got doubly. Francois felt that he had gone too far, that my indignation had reached the limit. He tried to extinguish the flame, which he himself inflated.
- Wait for me! I'm already going, meet upstairs.
We meet in the room between the presidential floor and our bedroom; Mitteraran kept his books and accessories for golf here, the Sarkozi spouses arranged a nursery. I converted him into my personal account. Hanged photos of her sons. She placed several souvenirs, of those who wanted to remove away from the views of the visitors whom I accept in the official office, just under this room. From time to time I take refuge here to relax from the oppressive atmosphere of the palace.
<...>
He is trying to reassure me. And again lies. He assures that he had nothing to do with it: they say, the general secretary of the Champs Elysees was engaged in this case. This is the last blow - such a rough, undisguised lie. Later, the Secretary General will refute this absurd invention: on the contrary, he in every possible way convinced the president not to support New Rual, not to mix together private and public life. And he was not alone in an effort to dissuade his boss from this step.
But Francois nevertheless committed him, and this awakens in me a deeply hidden sensation of my own illegal position, which caused me so many troubles since our relations were officially announced. During our skirmish, I tell Francois that I am going to express on Twitter the support of Falorny. He wants to prevent me, trying to tear out my mobile phone. But he refuses his intention, realizing that the case can go too far. I sit on a narrow couch against the wall and begin to type my 125 signs.
I consciously do not use the word “support”, replacing it with “courage”. I’m afraid that Olivier Falorny would not withdraw his candidacy after the president expressed the support of Roalu Rual. I know him; The day before, we talked briefly on the phone, and he said that he was afraid of this step in favor of his opponent. I reassured him: the president promised me that this would not work. And now, in desperation of this betrayal, Falorny could well give up positions. Therefore, I try to write carefully, taking into account both options for the outcome.
Anger prevents me from reasoning sensibly. My finger does not tremble until I gain my tweet. And with the same non -backing hand, I send him to my subscribers on Twitter. On the clock 11.56.
I wish the courage of Olivier Falorny, who has been fighting for many years with dignity and disinterestedly for the rights of his countrymen-larochelers.
Even in a terrible dream, I could not imagine which explosion would cause this short message. It spreads instantly, it is retweeted, sent, millions of people comment, but I am not aware of this. Blinded by the president’s lodge, I alone, of my own free will, rushed into the mouth of the wolf.
Immediately I inform two people - Patrice Biancon and Olivier Falorney himself, sending him SMS. Patrice immediately comes to me. He completely appreciated the size of the disaster. His mobile phone vibrates frantically, then the turn of mine comes. The whole press calls. I only answer the agency France Press, who asks if my account was hacked, - did I really write it myself? I confirm my authorship. Then I turn off my cell phone, close in the apartment and cut myself off from the outside world, as I do every time at the next earthquake.
Nevertheless, I do not cancel dinner with one publisher, with whom I communicate in connection with my book column in Pari-Match. Naturally, first of all, she asks a question about my tweet and says that I do not even realize the meaning of my act. And he retells what she heard on a radio in a taxi on the way here: a fierce controversy and a complete misunderstanding. All media are already shouting about this as a number one sensation; I turned into the “unworthy of this title of the first lady”, which dared to say its word in politics and, worse, a word that contradicts the words of the president. Now they look at me as the destroyer of the plans of the social party, and most importantly, as an evil woman, who wants the failure of Rulen Ruayal out of jealousy. As a result, the publisher offers me an agreement on the book and promises a fantastic advance that I reject with indignation.
A few hours later, Francois is to me. He also immediately understood the size of the disaster, but he has one invaluable quality: never to hide on what has been done and look forward. And think about how to get out of the situation. This is the only thing he is concerned about. I have no considerations. He is very angry, reports that he will remain in the Champs Elysees with his children, and he tells me to return with my son to Koshi Street. Without him. I do not mind.
<...>
Tomorrow is the second round of elections. Both he and his advisers are afraid of the negative influence of my tweet on the results. Comments of all journalists and “great experts” in the field of political forecasts are unanimous: my 125 signs will cost the socialist party at least fifty places in parliament.
<...>
The next day, Francois and I go to an exhibition of painting, located a stone's throw from the Champs Elysees. Of course, without any explanation between us. He holds on alienated. Until Monday, I rarely see him, he spends almost all the time in the Champs Elysees. And when we are left alone, he speaks only of my “negative image”. He is afraid, no matter how he threw a shadow at him. Thinks only of himself.
- And what about me? You remember what your image was when I fell in love with you. If I was guided by your then "popularity", I would never fall in love with you.
In 2005-2006, his rating was so low that it was not even taken into account by analytical centers. On the day of the second round, I was not invited to the Champs Elysees, but I don’t even grumble. I am sitting alone on the street Koshi. We exchange the SSMes when he receives the first voting data.
And according to his tone, I feel that he was slightly cheerful. The results were better than expected before my tweet. My misconduct did not affect the rating of the Socialist Party. Ruayal is not chosen; However, her low result in the first round did not give her any chance. As in the presidential election of 2007.
Despite the excellent general results of the presidential party, I do not receive special support in the following days. The victory of the joint venture was expected, and my tweet rather tickled the nerves of the press, which caused a real storm. Judging by the newspapers, Ruayal is a victim of low intrigue, and not the unfortunate permutation of the candidates. In the eyes of the media and the public in her failure, I am to blame for the guilty that I intervened in politics from personal hostility, to blame for disagreements with the president with whom life is to blame for unreasonable jealousy.

<...>
In addition, it is necessary to listen to notations from the highests of the state and leaders of the joint venture.
They compete in the cruelty of the wording addressed to me-the Prime Minister, the most promising candidate for the chairmen of the National Assembly, the first party secretary and even a long-standing friend Francois ... I can’t mention everyone. I am familiar with political games. I worked for fifteen years a journalist in this area. And I know that none of them would dare to do this without the sanction of Francois. Later, one of my friends will utter a terrible phrase:
- Yes, Hulland himself gave a signal to the persecution.
<...>
But, despite the general condemnation, some women from the government stood on my defense. Their support touched me to the core. One of them, Yamin Bengigi, even informed me that in the suburbs I became a symbol of freedom. Young girls approve of me for rejecting the "Law of obedience." This is a surprise for me, but when I finally dared to go outside, I really was able to make sure that many girls and women of different ethnicity expressed me.
Two or three days after the “scandal” I had a lunch with Vallo-Belkasem, the Minister of Rights of Women, was planned. I was sure that she would cancel our meeting from friendly feelings for Moldin Ruayal. But no, the invitation is in force. And for this, again, I am grateful to her. Naturally, at the beginning of the conversation the question of tweet immediately pops up. I express my regret. But she is not at all interested in this:
“I was struck by your media influence.” And so I thought that we could have been remarkably cooperating in some promotions.
I am perplexed. It would be fine without this “media influence”, without the covers of the tabloids that portray me with an evil jealous witch. But at the same time, I am touched by how bravely she demonstrates solidarity with me.
- What shares do you mean?
- Well, we could, for example, go together at night to meet with prostitutes in the Boisky forest.
Hearing this, I was stupid. I know that she intends to deal with prostitution, this is one of many areas of her activity. But this time I fluttered:
- You know, I'm not sure that it will be appropriate in the current circumstances. More decent classes would have been suitable for me now.
However, her words about the “media influence”, which so struck her, sunk into my soul. She is attracted by what I am running from the very beginning of my acquaintance with Francois, that I can’t get rid of.
<...>
On Twita Day, all the years of my suffering exploded. I put the detonator, and I am responsible for this. But it was a slow-off bomb, made by Francois Olland and Ruyal Ruayal, a bomb, filled with their unceasing game in private-public, with family photographs and ambiguous statements. They either fought among themselves, then used each other as a step towards success. In 1997, after the victory of the left coalition in the early parliamentary elections, Francois for a long time besieged the prime minister with requests to include Rulen Rual in the government. Francois himself then headed the joint venture. And I really wanted to take Ruayal by somewhat to use his freedom without hindrance. In the end, the Prime Minister lost.
Seventeen years later, Ruayal again became part of the government by the will of Francois Hollande. This political game between them has no end, it looks like a maze in which I was hopelessly lost.