May 27, 2015, 11:28 pm / Opinions

Chechnya: not to subjugate, but to repair

Founder of Open Russia Mikhail Khodorkovsky on why and how Russia's policy towards Chechnya should be revised

Russia's policy in Chechnya will create two dangerous enemies. This is the clan of Ramzan Kadyrov and the people of Chechnya. Sooner or later one of them will start a war with us. If we want to avoid this scenario, Russia urgently needs to change its policy towards Chechnya. This week, Open Russia released the film “Family,” dedicated to life in Chechnya under the leadership of Kadyrov. This film had to be made so that the people of Russia could see Chechnya, which does not look like the ceremonial picture reproduced by federal channels. The myth of a restored and thriving region is just that: a myth. Yes, there is the main Putin Avenue, four empty skyscrapers in Grozny City and several other objects that can be shown on TV. But, looking at the rest of the republic, it cannot be said that the war ended more than 10 years ago. Many houses still bear marks from bullets and shells. Our film crew even recorded them on the inside of buildings whose freshly renovated facades overlook the main streets of Grozny. It may seem that Chechnya lives the same way as the rest of the Russian provinces: poor, in the dirt with no roads, paying tribute to various bosses. But it is not so.

In other regions of Russia there are also many everyday problems, human rights are violated, and the authorities are unaccountable to society. But even against this background, Chechnya stands apart. The thesis that Chechnya is not part of Russia has become a commonplace. The population here is still riddled with fear; anyone can be kidnapped, beaten or killed. The work of human rights activists is associated with enormous risks - their offices are set on fire, some are simply killed. The poverty and disenfranchisement of the population contrasts sharply with the luxurious lifestyle of the new elite. Huge sums are spent on motorcades of luxury cars, family estates replicating the palaces of Arab sheikhs, and visits by Hollywood stars. The head of an 82% subsidized region with an official salary of less than $100,000 a year has turned into one of the most popular social characters in Russia. His lifestyle does not comply with Article 20 of the UN Convention against Corruption (on illicit enrichment) - this is obvious to any of the million followers of his Instagram blog.

Pro-government political scientists are imposing on us a false alternative: either a rigid authoritarian feudal system and de facto payment of tribute to the local king, or a new Caucasian war. In fact, the alternative is different. In the long term, the current policy will not lead to a settlement of the situation in Chechnya, but to the creation of two dangerous enemies, with one of which an inevitable conflict will occur. The first enemy is Kadyrov’s security clan, accustomed to living off federal assistance. Over the years, his appetites will only grow, and the capacity of the federal budget will shrink due to Crimea, sanctions and the general economic downturn. If the federal government tries to curb the clan’s appetites, we risk violent excesses in other regions of Russia - from terrorist attacks to the growth of racketeering against business. It's a shame to realize that these people will be armed at the expense of Russian taxpayers.

The second enemy, also created by us, is the population of Chechnya, living in conditions of fear, stratification of property, lack of rights and social elevators. They see that Russia is behind the regime built in Chechnya, and it is Russia that they associate with the injustice that is happening in their republic. This leaves no chance that when the Kadyrov regime ceases to exist, Chechnya will voluntarily remain part of Russia. The “money and lack of control in exchange for loyalty” policy has another significant drawback. We are sending a very harmful signal to the young population of Chechnya; we are giving them as an example not a hard worker, but a robber. They understand that there are no social elevators for them in today's Chechnya, and the only scenario for advancement is to fight and then bargain with the federal center. This is exactly how the current generation of Chechen leaders “came to success.”

If we want to avoid this scenario, Russia needs a new policy and a new agreement with Chechnya.

First, we must recognize that the residents of Chechnya are citizens of Russia. Our state is responsible for establishing a system of power in Chechnya that is driving it into the Middle Ages. Our duty is to bring their living standards to the national standards. We cannot betray a million Russian citizens who find themselves in the hands of a medieval king.

Secondly, it is in our interests to preserve Chechnya as part of Russia. This will prevent the region from becoming a constant threat to national security. The seized Chechnya will become a center for the export of Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism. Officials, businessmen and journalists who recently visited the republic say that despite Islamization and authoritarianism, culturally, Chechnya has not changed that much over the past 25 years. Young people still speak Russian well, which means integration will be much cheaper than exclusion. This is not just about money, but above all about human lives.

Thirdly, we understand that the transition from the Middle Ages back to modern society costs money, which must first of all be spent on education and raising children. Due to the inertia of processes, the transition will take time.

Fourthly, the very system of relations between the federal center and the region must be revised. It is necessary to shift the emphasis in interaction from the leadership of the republic to city authorities and municipalities. They should receive money directly and spend it on social programs and job creation, and not on visits from Hollywood stars and the formation of an “oprichnina” army. Failure to comply with obligations should result in termination of funding.

These rules mean the equality of everyone before the law and the existence of common rules of the game for all regions of Russia. Resolving the problem of relations between Russia and Chechnya is possible only within the framework of a program for the development of local self-government. What Chechnya needs is what all other Russian regions need. Most powers should be transferred to local government along with sources of revenue. What local and regional authorities cannot cope with will remain in the hands of the center: federal infrastructure, army, intelligence services, foreign policy, investigation of serious crimes of an interregional nature. Regional authorities should be organized according to parliamentary principles. Chechen society is complexly organized, and this form will best take into account the interests of all groups.

Policy towards Chechnya must take into account its historical, cultural and religious identity. It should be given autonomy in matters of social and cultural policy consistent with the traditions of the people. However, the rules set by local authorities have an important limitation: human rights enshrined in the Constitution. You cannot force women to wear black headscarves because it is sex discrimination and is prohibited by the Constitution. We will have to oblige men too: there can be no compromises here.

Fifth, cultural and educational integration is important. Financing should be tied, in particular, to the implementation of integration programs. Schools and universities should have a set of integration courses. It is necessary to encourage student exchanges and provide talented children from Chechnya with places in Russian universities. Precisely the talented ones, and not the children of the “nobles”, as is the case today. Such an integration program will bear fruit in 15–20 years.

The transition period should begin with the resignation of Ramzan Kadyrov and fair elections to the regional parliament. The leadership of the armed forces should in fact pass to a specially appointed command of the North Caucasus group. This will not be a big problem: the legitimacy of the Kadyrov clan rests on the federal mandate, and not vice versa, as the propaganda sponsored by Kadyrov at the expense of the Russian budget convinces us.

And, finally, the most important thing: a solution to the problem of Chechnya is possible only in the format of a free and open Russia. Only the liberation of Russia from the power of a corrupt and archaic regime will allow us to begin the reforms that are necessary in order to improve the situation in Chechnya. But without changing the situation in Chechnya, without closing this “black hole” of Russian statehood, a free and open Russia will not happen.

The author is the founder of the Open Russia movement