Demographic concealment

President Putin considered it necessary to classify data on the losses of military personnel during the period of special operations conducted in peacetime. We are talking about both dead and wounded and missing. Access to this kind of information will be closed to the relatives of the dead and journalists, and its disclosure may lead to a criminal case on charges of treason. This was probably done in connection with the continuing undeclared war of Russia against Ukraine, no matter how many refutations from the Kremlin may be. This war, obviously, will be considered one great special operation. Now it will be possible not to respond to mothers and wives, whose sons and husbands perished somewhere in the Donbass. And especially persistent, as well as too curious journalists and public figures, will be shut up with criminal cases on charges of disclosing GOSTaina. This is a formidable sign. It is possible that Putin is preparing to activate hostilities in the Donbass and wants to block the discussion of the topic of Russian military losses in this war in advance.

There is a return of censorship to the level of Brezhnev-Andropov time, when society had no idea about losses in Afghanistan. By the way, in the same decree , Gostaine also includes “Information on the degree of ensuring the security of the population” and “Information about the persons studied in order to attract them to assistance on a confidential basis” (this was previously referred only to those persons who already provide such assistance). Now GOSTAYA can declare any miscalculations of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the FSB, the Ministry of Emergencies and other departments that ensure the safety of citizens. And to talk about attempts to recruit for provocative purposes of a journalist, politician, public figure will now be impossible under the threat of criminal prosecution. All this contradicts Art. 7 of the GOSTain Law, according to which it is impossible to classify information about emergency incidents and disasters that threaten the security and health of citizens and their consequences, "as well as" facts of violation of human and citizen rights and freedoms. "But there is no hope for Russian courts.

It is possible that the classification of military losses is somehow connected with the recent publication of Roskomstat data on the sudden increase in mortality in Russia in the first quarter of this year compared to the previous 23.5 thousand cases. If we take into account that children's mortality and mortality from external causes (murder, suicide, accidents) continued to decline, then the increase in mortality from other causes should be even greater. It is unlikely that the mora, who attacked the Russians, who attacked the Russians, is unlikely to be possible - after all, children's mortality continues to fall. Since there were no other large -scale disasters in the Donbass for the past year, it can be assumed that a sudden increase in mortality was largely associated with military losses and that for the first quarter of 2015, not only those who died during this period, but also the bulk of Russians who became victims of the conflict from the beginning of intensive military operations in May last year.

They may ask: can our losses for 11 months of the war in the Donbass can be greater than the loss of the USSR for 9 years of the war in Afghanistan, and more than the losses of the Russian army for the year and 8 months of the First Chechen War? Here, first of all, it is necessary to notice that the estimates of losses in Afghanistan and Chechnya are not only official, but also alternative. So, officially in Afghanistan, Soviet law enforcement agencies lost 15,051 people dead and missing - and, according to the group of officers of the Russian General Staff, irrevocable losses in Afghanistan amounted to 26,000 people. In the first Chechen Russian power structures, 5588 people officially lost - and according to the committees of soldiers' mothers, irrevocable losses reached 14 thousand people. But even if the minimum grades are true, Russian losses in the Donbass can be much higher - up to 20 thousand people (considering not only those killed in battles with Ukrainians, but also those who died from wounds, accidents and as a result of analysis between individual gangs of "militias" and Russian troops).

In Afghanistan, Soviet, and in Chechnya, the Russian army fought. In the Donbass, the bulk of Russian losses do not fall on regular troops, but for civilian volunteers, who had not served (or not at all) in the army for a long time. In terms of military discipline, combat effectiveness and the ability to act as part of the units, they are an order of magnitude inferior to both the Russian and Ukrainian army. Here we need to add the absence from the Russian side of the network of field hospitals (for reasons of secrecy, since such a network would unmarked by Russian intervention). And as a result of this, many wounded were dying, never reaching the hospital.

The most important difference between the wars in Afghanistan and Chechnya from the war in the Donbass is that the Afghans and Chechens waged a partisan war against our troops, did not have artillery, tanks and reactive attitudes, but fought mainly with rifle weapons, grenade launchers, light mortars and mines on roads. In the Donbass, both sides act mainly with the help of artillery - more than 90% of irrevocable losses account for lesions from artillery. In this regard, the war in the Donbass is more like the Second World War. The Russian military testified that as many artillery and tanks as they caught up in the Donbass, there were no even in the midst of military operations in Chechnya. No less than this good there and from the Ukrainian side. And this is a completely different order of losses. The commanders of the militias and the leading Russian officers mainly repeat the tactics of the Red Army in the Patriotic War, which leads to large irretrievable losses.

Now, perhaps, civilian volunteers are equated to contractors and promise them the same payments that should revive their exhausting stream, and at the same time will bring the decree on the grace of losses. Of course, they promise does not mean what they will do. But at least it will not be necessary to worry about the concealment of deaths, since the relatives of the dead will be connected by the law on GOSTIN.

The fact that the first Chechen war, with which mothers sometimes took the sons, with the current war in the Donbass, is noted, is evidenced by the head of the committees of soldiers' mothers Valentin Melnikova. “The first time I understood how everything changed, in August, when my parents of the soldier called me and told me about the“ teachings ”in the Rostov region. I say:“ Go to take your children! ”Not a single one went. This is impossible to explain. This is a purely medical fact. Maybe a good psychiatrist will explain ...”. Russian society overwhelmingly reconciled with the criminal non -inflated war and with human losses, even with the death of relatives and friends. And this is the worst of all.