
I graduated from school in 2012. It was an ordinary Stavropol gymnasium, struggling to seem like exemplary mainly due to the conduct of general class morning charges and militarized build and song contests and songs. Since all this was relatively recently, I still remember how we, schoolchildren,, in a voluntarily compulsory manner, brought to Lenin Square all sorts of public holidays, be it on May 1 or 4. It was a conditional fee for exemption from lessons - to stand for 20 minutes under the flags of the native land and "United Russia".
The natural desire that arose during such events is to blame it as soon as possible. No one understood why these processions were needed, but I or my peers did not feel deceived. We did not compare ourselves with pioneers or participants in demonstrations. It seemed to us that all this was a very long time and remained only in history textbooks. But even if one of my classmates had parallels between the Soviet and Russian window dressing, no “extremist” thoughts would have visited his head: the USSR in our school textbooks was an exceptionally positive character, and the “Newest History” section was occupied by five pages of insanely boring text about what correct reforms President Vladimir Putin conducted.
For both opponents and for supporters of Putin’s policy, civil activity is only to have any position at all. Next to university audiences with their thoughts, no one is ready to go
Most of my peers do not feel deceived now. For three years of studying at the Faculty of Journalism, I managed to communicate with a large number of students on political and near political topics. 20 percent of those whom I know are supported by absolutely all decisions of the current government, without discussion. Most of these twenty percent are girls, but it is no less dangerous to approach them with conversations about politics than to ask Gopnik in a dark lane. The male part of the "fans" for Putin's regime operates in phrases: "Otherwise, the world is no better" or "You would do the same in their place." Do not agree with them-specifically in my group-a 5-7 out of 40 people, no more. Moreover, for both opponents and supporters of Putin’s policy, civil activity is only to have any position at all. Further university audiences with their thoughts no one is ready to go.
The position of many of my peers depends on who is interested in their opinion: if the teacher talks about the differences between Russian and Western politics, journalism, society, and comparisons are not in favor of the Kremlin, students will nod approvingly. However, they will also nod absolutely if one of the radical supporters of the president in the middle of the lecture suddenly shouts: "Why do we need this West with his democracy and gays!" Many of the undefined people really do not know why they study at the journalism department, and in which case they are able to prove that politics does not regard them personally, and as a topic for conversation is uninteresting. At the same time, for the most part, these are quite harmless and kind people who can compose poems, play their own or sell cakes of their own production. I do not want to say that among those who are careful for the current Russian power, only savages. No, there are quite adequate people, but their civil position is based on personal experience or example, whether it be a spiritual rise from a trip to the Crimea last summer or a father working in state bodies.
I have one friend. His dad holds a high position in the Stavropol Prosecutor's Office, and after graduating from the Saratov State Law Academy he himself already works as an assistant prosecutor in one of the regions of the region. The last couple of years, meeting in a common company, we deliberately avoided the accession of Crimea or relations between Russia and the USA. At the same time, he knows very well that I work on Radio Liberty, and I know how much he plans to close criminal cases for the future. The reason we avoid such topics is not that after their discussion we suddenly find out: here, we are on different sides of the barricades. We already know this, but our meeting in any case ends with handshake. The reason is that my friend deliberately protects himself from information that contradicts the state attitude, because he believes that this information threatens his career, family, and future. And, as a friend, I do not undertake to condemn him.
Among those of my peers who are not related to either journalism or state bodies, no less “information vacuum” is observed. Almost no one knows what the Law on Foreign Agents or the so -called Sadist Law, but almost everyone can tell why Russia supports the "militias" in the east of Ukraine and what objects of the "Islamic state" Russian aircraft destroy in Syria. Even more among young people 18-25 years old, according to my observations, those who simply do not read the news. In my environment, these are mostly people of art: artists, directors, actors, musicians. In their representation, Russian politics is so dirty that when talking on this topic, they have a sense of disgust. The trouble is that these young people are exactly the same opinion about politics in any state and therefore do not see the point of spending their creative forces to delve into what is happening in Russia and try to change the situation for the better.
Ivan Martynenko - Radio Freedom Journalist