
There are less than two weeks left to the so -called parliamentary elections in Russia, so you can already draw certain conclusions from what is happening before our eyes. What we are observing now indicates not just meaninglessness, but to concrete harm from the participation of the opposition in the "elections" in terms of confrontation with the Putin regime.
It is not the first year that it is absolutely obvious that the procedure called in Russia the elections has nothing to do with the solution of the issue of power, but is only an imitation mechanism that gives the regime the appearance of legitimacy. Despite this, again and again, the politicians who call themselves opposition, seek to take part in this process, not understanding or pretending that they do not understand that they thereby work freely or involuntarily in the Kremlin’s hands, contributing to the involvement of Russian citizens in the political process, the result of which is a foregone conclusion in advance. In this way, they parasitize on a very humanly understandable desire of society to believe in the possibility of changes without shocks. The problem, however, is that Russia has long passed that point in no return, after which changes without shocks (including through electoral procedures) are no longer possible, moreover, the longer the agony of the current regime will last, the more large -scale shocks are expected. With their discussions about the importance of participating in the elections, "oppositionists" support people with false hopes, thereby preventing any changes in principle.
The arguments given by supporters of the opposition’s participation in electoral games in support of their position completely ignore the political reality in the country and, in particular, changes that have occurred over the past few years.
It must be stated that the Putin regime almost completed the transformation from the so -called hybrid type to full totalitarianism. I understand that this thesis can be accepted skeptical, since totalitarianism in the everyday consciousness is associated primarily with mass repressions. However, in reality, the main characterizing sign of the totalitarian regime is the desire of the authorities to control not only the actions of citizens, but also their thoughts. It is enough to get acquainted with the statistics of sentences for "thought -crushing", such as publications and "likes" on social networks, as well as observe the intensity of "flushing of the brain" by a propaganda machine to make sure that totalitarianism for Russia is a harsh reality. The use of elections as an instrument of political struggle in conditions of totalitarianism is impossible by definition.
Moreover, in cases where the system for some reason gives a malfunction and does not filter at the entrance of a person who poses a real threat, more radical methods are used: examples of Gennady Gudkov, Ilya Ponomarev and Lev Shlosberg, as well as the tragic fate of the mayor of Yaroslavl Evgeny Urlashov, are used. Talk about "the ability to influence the regime from the inside."
In conditions when the Russian government with the help of repression and manipulations eliminated almost all internal threats, perhaps the only way to change the situation is pressure from the outside
It is also important to understand the international legal significance of the upcoming elections. For the first time in recent Russian history, federal elections will be held in an annexed territory: in Crimea and Sevastopol. It is already obvious that the Kremlin will strive to use these elections as a tool for legitimization of the annexation. Any possible statements from both individual states and international organizations on the recognition of elections will be interpreted in the public space by the Russian authorities as an indirect recognition of the belonging of the Crimea and Sevastopol of Russia. The logic here is simple: the recognition of the legitimacy of the elections means the recognition of their legitimacy throughout the territory on which they were held, including Crimea and Sevastopol, and the recognition of the legitimacy of elections to the Russian State Duma in the Crimea and Sevastopol means recognition of these territories part of the Russian Federation.
Accordingly, it is extremely important that the international community does not recognize the results of the upcoming elections. In such a situation, participation in electoral procedures is equal to complicity in the legalization of the stolen one. The hit (possible only with the sanctions of the authorities) will make the situation even worse into the Duma of several opposition deputies, since, in addition, it will allow the Kremlin to use this non -affecting “opposition” in the international arena as a pseudo -democratic facade covering the totalitarian nature of the regime.
In conditions when the Russian government with the help of repression and manipulations eliminated almost all internal threats, perhaps the only way to change the situation is the pressure from the outside. An important role here is played by international sanctions imposed both in relation to the Russian Federation as a whole and in relation to a number of persons and organizations playing key roles in Putin's Russia. Needless to say, the anti -Putin sanctions were adopted and extended not by themselves, but are the result of serious systematic work with the establishment and public opinion in the West. In the course of this work, one has to overcome the colossal resistance of numerous Putin lobbyists.
The Kremlin is well aware that the decisive battle, the outcome of which depends on the survival of the regime, is conducted in the West. Putin and his closest environment learned his lessons from history, including the most important lesson: when dictatorial regimes suffer a sensitive foreign policy (and not necessarily a military one), this almost always turns into the collapse of the regime itself. Therefore, all resources have been abandoned to the fight for the abolition of existing and against the introduction of new, more stringent, sanctions, both material and political. Pamfilov was set to lead the Central Election Commission not in order to cancel the election results in Barvikha, but in order to increase the political capitalization of Putin's agents in the West. Imitation of democratic procedures within the country is designed to give a raid of respectability to the regime in the foreign policy arena. Those who, having no foreign policy confrontation about this, with screams “but we are doing something” are included in electoral games, thus make an invaluable gift to the Kremlin and its agents of influence in the West.
Today it is quite difficult to formulate a clear algorithm, the implementation of which could in the foreseeable future lead to the elimination of the Putin regime, but first it is necessary to at least abandon actions, this regime of strengthening.
Harry Kasparov - Russian politician, world chess champion, head of the International Council of the "Human Rights Protection"