
“It became obvious that it is currently possible to resist the Putin’s dictatorship only from the outside. Inside Russia, the possibilities for an effective struggle have practically disappeared,” writes Alfred Koch. And continues:
"Those who become at least any real problem for the Kremlin and at the same time are reaching it - or are already subjected to repression, or this is just a matter of time. In this regard, to call them for activity is dangerous and vile. Even if they themselves are ready to take on this risk. It is all the more stupid because the benefits of such activities strive for zero."
To begin with, if someone can still become a real problem for the Kremlin, this already suggests that the benefits of his activity are not striving for zero. But the main thing is not this. The helplessness of the liberal opposition in Russia cannot be explained by fierce repressions and police prohibitions, nor the capture of the Kremlin propagandists of the information field.
The latest history knows a lot of much more rigid repressive modes that have encountered a massive and stable resistance movement. Hundreds of thousands of people many times went out into the street not only under batons, but also under bullets on the "days of national protest" in Chile with a pinochet dictatorship. After a year, with little freedom, in the “socialist” Poland, the regime of General Yaruzelsky interned and threw thousands of people into prisons, restored the ban on any opposition, censorship, party and state monopoly on printing, radio and television. Nevertheless, as General Kishcheak reported, state security annually revealed several thousand apartment underground printing houses. The country was operating mass underground, and its leaders did not complex about the fact that calling for activity is "dangerous and vile."
This is what happens in countries where the opposition of tyranny enjoys massive sympathy of the population. The liberal opposition in Russia does not use such sympathy. And four Spilkin’s percentage for both liberal parties are its legal result.
But there are much more protesting in Russia. Just do not say that they did not go to the polls, because they consider them a farce, or because they were called to this by individual publicists widely known in narrow circles. The normal layman, even protested, is rarely guided by such exquisite fundamental considerations. He prefers a tit in his hands a crane in the sky. If he is given the opportunity to express his dissatisfaction even in the most dishonest elections, voting for the clearly unpleasant authorities of the party, he, as a rule, takes such an opportunity.
And if he does not, then here is one of the two. Either he categorically does not believe that the opposition parties offered to him really defend the values that declare, or he categorically rejects the values they offer. Moreover, I have a strong suspicion that the second is noticeably more than the first.
I leave aside those reasons for such a dislike for the liberal opposition in which it itself is to blame. About them some other time. Now only about the reasons that the opposition itself is in no way dependent.
No need to represent the Russian voter is stupid than he really is. He rarely understands the nuances of party programs, but the main thing, as a rule, feels. What does our liberal opposition have for souls so essential that it makes it at least some alternative to the Putin regime? To date, this is primarily that the liberal opposition completely rejects the aggressive foreign policy of the Kremlin - the policy of the imperial revenge, the opposition of Russia to the West and provoking conflicts with it. She does not accept the treacherous, robber annexation of Crimea, which violates the elementary norms of international law and interstate relationships, destroying the basis of the current international order - a ban on the violent accession of foreign territories.
Today, this is the most important question, in comparison with which issues of credit, money-money and tax-budget policy are insignificant little things. And I am funny whining about the fact that the oppositions were not allowed to convey their program to society. Just the society knew about this, despite the efforts of the liberals themselves, these questions quietly go around. He knew from Kiselevsky television.
The tragedy of the situation is that today the majority of Russian citizens are revenge, the Kremlin’s anti -Western policy, if they do not support actively, is passively accepting. Four Duma parties of the Crimean Consensus scored over 80% of those who came to the polls in total. And this is also a real result. What are the reason to assume that among the invaded Crimeanists are less? Yes, most of them are not ready for the sake of imperial show -offs to sacrifice themselves or their well -being. Their chauvinistic exaltation is kept only on confidence in impunity. But until they are faced with the catastrophic consequences of Putin's adventures, until they knock on the muzzle on the table, they will not find themselves at the broken trough, the policy of imperial-chuinistic consolidation will work.
In the meantime, this will work, the majority of the population of Russia will reject the liberal-humanistic values of Western civilization. Or it will seem like that. The liberal opposition will not be able to convince him, even if he stands on his head. And in my opinion, she should not even try. On the contrary, she should show that the raging Crimean mass is not interesting for us. We are not going to convince her, we have nothing to tell her. Our Fatherland is the Euro -Atlantic community of the peoples to which our Russia belongs and against which Russia Putinskaya unleashed the war. Our goal is the defeat of Putin's Russia in the war that it unleashed, no matter what forms this war adopted. It is the defeat, because we do not believe in the reconciliation and coexistence of Putin Russia with civilization.
Let the Crimean-shaped mass rain in the great-power-chowinistic fucker rage even more. The more fiercely its anti -Western demolition in Russia will be, the sooner the West is mobilized to repulse the Putin threat. To fulfill this task of internal opposition, it is really not necessary to be mass. It is enough to leave the barrier in three hundred Spartans.