The war of two towers

Oil companies in this struggle are not a goal, but a trophy. Brown of the arrest of Minister Ulyukaev

The new round of war between the opposing clans of the security forces was provoked by the quarrel of two secular lionesses. The arrest of Minister Ulyukaev - “answer” of the Bastrykin -Feoktistov group to competitors from the FSB. The intermediate results of the battles: the president’s trust in the head of the SK was restored; "Liberals" in the government are defeated; Alekperov is likely to significantly replenish the Russian budget.

The main news of the last week was the first arrest of the current minister in the history of Russia. According to the official version, Alexei Ulyukaev, who headed the Ministry of Economic Development, is accused of receiving a bribe associated with extortion on an especially large scale - two million dollars.

From whom the federal minister was exhausted by the money - it is not specified. But it is known that Ulyukaev was detained last Monday in the Rosneft office. It is also known that on the same day, the chief executive director of the company Igor Sechin was at work until late at night, or rather, until the early morning of Tuesday. Ulyukaev arrived at the Rosneft office at five, and was detained at about seven o’clock in the evening. What exactly happened in these two hours at the headquarters of the state oil company is still unknown.

According to the TFR, the minister was detained with a suitcase in which there was a million dollars; The second million was to be transferred already in the car. But where and how exactly was the suitcase of $ 1 million was transferred to Ulyukaev? Was this an operational experiment (and the presence of a coloring special equipment on the handle of the suitcase leads to this conclusion)? If this event is within the framework of the business of the opera account, then who exactly was a member of the operational experiment - that is, a person who voluntarily cooperates with the investigation and transmitting a bribe to Ulyukaev?

How exactly and who (the employees of which unit of which department) delayed Ulyukaev? Was he alone at the time of the detention, and if so, where was the security laid down in terms of status? Was the operatives who conducted the detention of the minister, the duty investigator? If the investigator was “ordered” (in opera jargon, this means that the operatives were confident in the effectiveness of the experiment and notified a specific investigator in advance to be at the “low start”), then this is an indirect sign of provocation. If it was a real operational experiment, then equipment that fixes video and sound should be used, which significantly simplifies the documentation of illegal action. It is the presence of such fixation that would avoid accusations of provocation. If there are no fixing records (that is, objective evidence) - then why?

All these and many other points have not yet been clarified, although the detention of a federal minister is an emergency of an all -Russian scale. The lack of information in this case provokes distrust of the charges.

In the subsequent days after the arrest of Ulyukaev, public opinion was concentrated on the role of Sechin in this story. The development of Ulyukaev, which ended in his detention, was carried out by the FSB operatives. Unlike police officers, in their operations pursuing one specific narrow task (detention of a criminal), FSB officers are often guided by a completely different logic. They indicate several goals at once and always solve several tasks. This alignment of the multi -income is understandable only to the narrow circle of players, while the result presented by the public (in this case, the detention of the minister) for the developers of the special operation is not an end in itself. So now

The arrest of Ulyukaev, as we can assume, is just a tool that allows all the beneficiaries of this scandal to solve much more global problems.

Several sources immediately issue information according to which the development of Ulyukaev was conducted for several months. The names of the FSB officers, “lit up” in the situation with the arrest of the minister, are extremely interesting. This is the powerful FSB General Oleg Feoktistov and the head of the FSB department, Ivan Tkachev, sent to the reserve in the summer.

Feoktistov and Tkachev - immigrants from the most influential and effective in the recent past of the interdepartmental team of the security forces, which included the closest ally of the chairman of the Investigative Committee of Bastrykin, the head of the USB of the SCR Mikhail Maksimenko and his deputy Alexander Lamonov. It was “on the conscience” of this ligament (Feoktistov-Maximenko) that are all loud arrests of the last eight years: governors, vice-governors, oligarchs, security forces, and so on. By the way, it was they who developed the six high-ranking Kemerovo officials arrested in the past week (including the head of the regional Susk and two vice-governors of Tuleyev). True, the development was completed by another team of security officials - the Office of “M” of the FSB of the Russian Federation, which is headed by Sergey Alpatov. It was Alpatov and his people who managed to break the Feoktist -Maximenko group in the summer of this year, which made it possible to send his powerful competitor to the FSB Bortnikov director (that is, almost retirement) of his powerful competitor (as our sources say, the Feoktists were one of the security forces who had direct access to Putin) and almost remove the chairman of the Investigative Committee of Bastrykin.

The conflict between the two groups of security forces provoked a famous quarrel between the illegitimate daughter of a senior official from Kazakhstan Jeannaya Kim and Moscow designer Fatima Misikova.

On December 14, 2015, in a restaurant on Rochdelskaya Street, lawyers from Jeanne Kim and designer Fatima Misikova tried to clarify the civil law conflict. By order of Kim Misikova, she completed the design project of the Korean Korean Cuisine Elements, but the customer refused to pay for the work. In addition to lawyers, both sides of the conflict attracted the resource to resolve the issue of “power”. From the side of Kim, the well -known “soliciture” in Moscow, a former special services employee Eduard Budantsev, performed. According to the data that was at the disposal of the “new”, he allegedly may be close to the acquaintance of General Sergei Alpatov. From the side of Misikova, who is close with a friend of the criminal authority of Zakharia Kalashov (Shakro), was a private security company, which is guarding businessman Andrei Kochuykov (Italian), which is included, according to the media reports, in the organized crime group Shakro.

Chopovtsy came to meet with traumatic weapons. Only Budantsev had firearms. At some point, a conflict arose between Kochuykov and Budantsev, which grew into a fight, and then into shooting. The video clearly shows how Budantsev methodically shot Chopovtsev Kuchekov, twice rechargeing his award “Berrett”.

In this shootout, Budantsev killed two people and wounded eight. However, soon after his arrest, the fate of Sobrovts seemed to be worried about the head of the “M” department of the FSB of the Russian Federation Alpatov.

It is possible that the cross -country campaign against Feoktistov -Maximenko began precisely when it was not possible when Budantsev could not.

The Office of “M” of the FSB of the Russian Federation developed and realized against its own colleagues from the USB FSB and employees of the Investigative Committee of the Investigative Committee. After Bortnikov’s report to President Putin about the situation related to the conflict on Rochdelskaya, the arrests of people from Bastrykin’s closest encirclement followed. Among the others, Maksimenko, Lamonov, Nikandrov (the first deputy head of the capital of the GSU) were arrested. They were accused of receiving a bribe from the criminal authority of Shakro (also arrested) for retraining the accusation to the Italian who participated in the dismantling of Rochdelskaya. (The Italian, however, was never released from custody.)

The positions of the group of Feoktistov, Bastrykin and Tkachev, who at that time, headed the 6th Directorate of the USB FSB of the Russian Federation, became very shaky.

However, the opponents of this group clearly did not take into account one factor - this is the factor of Igor Sechin.

Immediately after the summer presidential perturbations in law enforcement agencies (primarily in the FSB), General Feoktistov, the Rosneft Head of the Security Service of the Rosneft, was accurate to the reserve. This is not the first time Igor Ivanovich helps faithful Feoktistov. It was not possible to send Ivan Tkachev to the reserve. Quite unexpectedly (for his own leadership), he received an increase and headed the powerful department of the FSB of the Russian Federation. The Investigative Committee was certainly weakened. Bastrykin, according to our sources, lost access to Putin. He was forced to liquidate the USB of the TFR, which was headed by Maksimenko, but so far, according to Novaya Gazeta, Maksimenko and Lamonov are listed in the staff of the Investigative Committee. The charges of him in the Investigative Committee are considered absurd*.

* Five months after the high -profile arrests in the Investigative Committee of the investigation, which is conducted by the FSB, there is no specificity by the date or by the place and time of the transfer of the bribe. The whole charge is based on the so-called Nazakh (operational-search events of "wiretaps of premises and offices"). Doubtful evidence, given that even the phonoscopic examinations necessary in such cases were not carried out on it. Also, the investigation has no testimony of the main actors. There is not even an understanding of what amount we are talking about: half a million either rubles, or dollars, or euros, or at all 1 million euros, or 300,000 rubles. All these amounts appear in the materials of criminal cases instituted after the conflict on Rochdelskaya Street. It was not possible to find any money from the SCR employees, it was not even possible to trace the fate of the bribe (somewhere the employees of the TFR divide it, if you received it?).

Immediately after the arrests of their high -ranking employees, an unspoken ban on cooperation and the implementation of operational information coming from the Office of the FSB of the Russian Federation, which is headed by Alpatov, was announced. At the same time, the bunch of Tkachev-Feoktists-Bastrykin (TFR), having lost significant people, nevertheless retained combat effectiveness. The arrest of Minister Ulyukaev is an eloquent confirmation of this.

It is important to understand: the arrest of Ulyukaeva works not only on the interests of Igor Sechin as the head of Rosneft, who met the resistance of the economic bloc of the government to buy the state Bashneft. This special operation pursues at least another important goal: this is a “return” to those who launched the “Maksimenko -Lamonov case”. And right now their business was staring.

The arrest of Ulyukaeva quite obviously again leads to the stage of the “disgraced” Bastrykin, who achieved with the help of the old operational resource in the person of Feoktistov and Tkachev the result of the results of the country's leadership. What is the interest of the country's leadership?

It is obvious that the economic component of this story is directly related to the history of the privatization of the state -owned company "Bashneft". This story began several years ago, and there was already one loud arrest in it: the chairman of the board of directors of the AFC System Vladimir Yevtushenkov. He was presented no less terrible accusations than Ulyukaev (laundering). Yevtushenkov himself stated that his arrest is part of the raider seizure of Bashneft, which belonged to the structures of AFK Sistema. In this story, the name of Igor Sechin again appeared. Subsequently, the charges were removed with Yevtushenkov. But only when AFK Sistema transferred 73.9% of the Bashneft OJSC to the state (Rosimuzmiystvnit).

We wrote about what happened to Bashneft after the arrest and rehabilitation of Yevtushenkov in April, when preparations were already underway for the privatization of the company's state -owned laws. In the article “You can enter the same pipe”, we noticed that formally the Bashneft state oil company is actually controlled by private Lukoil. And the top managers of Lukoil relate to Bashneft almost as a subsidiary. At the same time, the private company Lukoil wins from such “cooperation”, but the state “Bashneft” is not. In this publication, our source, close to the government apparatus, directly drew attention to the fact that as a result of cooperation between Lukoil and Bashneft, the state may have been losing a lot of money. First of all, on the development of the Trebs and Titov deposit, which Lukoil claimed, but which unexpectedly went to Bashneft. The fact is that Lukoil has long been dominated by the Timano-Pechora oil and gas region of the Nenets Autonomous Okrug. The entire infrastructure of exploration and oil production in the NAO is controlled by Lukoil. And when Bashneft came to the region, she simply had no other options on how to create an actually joint enterprise with Lukoil for the development of the Trebs and Titov deposit. Legally, it looked like this: Bashneft registered LLC Bashneft Polus, the blocking package of which was immediately purchased by Lukoil.

In an interview recorded at the end of March, our source suggested that Lukoil is most interested in maintaining the status quo and “not standing at the price” to acquire a stake in Bashneft, belonging to the state.

The source had no doubt that Bashneft was “practically doomed” to become Lukoilovskaya and that the fate of the company would not be decided at the auction. This, according to the expert, will be the Culuar decision of the Deputy Prime Ministers Dvorkovich and Shuvalov, adopted contrary to the position of Olga Dergunova (at that time as deputy minister Alexei Ulyukaev in the Ministry of Economic Development and at the same time the head of the Federal Agency for Management of State Property-Rosimunstvity).

The head of the Federal Property Management Agency Dergunov really resisted the “controlled” privatization of Bashneft, openly conflicting on this issue with his immediate supervisor Alexei Ulyukaev. The latter did not hide too much that the “Bashneft” should be privatized by the “most preferred” buyer - Lukoil.

Ulyukaev failed to convince Dergunov. On April 12, she was dismissed.

Back in April, having analyzed the financial and economic activities of Bashneft, the experts came to the conclusion that the company was seriously contracted, that still unexplored and unprocessed oil and oil products have already been sold by an advance of hundreds of billions of rubles.

It can be assumed that the persistence of Lukoil in the acquisition of the state-owned state-package of Bashneft was dictated by fears that the new owner could conduct a serious audit of the financial and economic activities of Bashneft. That is, the scale of possible damage caused to the state as a result of close cooperation of Bashneft and Lukoil may be revealed.

Lukoil was not in vain feared such a development of events. When the Rosneft’s state -owned state -owned state package of shares, the procedure for “transferring affairs” to the new owner more resembled a special operation. In the offices of Bashneft in Moscow and Ufa, people in civilian clothes appeared, who strengthened the protection and access control, turned off the Internet and began to withdraw documents. A source in the Ufa office of Bashneft said: “As we understood, they suddenly appeared to prevent the destruction of any financial documents.”

But this happened in October. And in April, shortly after the publication “One pipe can be included in the same pipe,” our sources reported that during operational events, data were received about some kind of “agreement” between the owners of Lukoil and senior officials of the Government of the Russian Federation. The sources of the “New” were allegedly called both the allegedly discussed amount and the procedure for its transfer to accounts, the information about which, after the arrest, Ulyukaev was stated in his blog by Alexei Navalny. The amount that our sources called is two hundred times higher than the amount that was in the suitcase transferred to Ulyukaev in the Rosneft office last Monday.

According to the sources of the “New” to the FSB, the information that the highest officials of the Russian economic bloc are lobbying for Lukoil’s interests, the president was reported to the president in May. However, according to our data, the operational development of lobbyists-Ulyukaev, Shuvalov, Dvorkovich and Belousov (assistant to the president, ex-head of the Ministry of Economic Development)-began in February. The implementation of operational information resulted in a bribe of the former Minister of Economic Development. The accusation looks doubtful, however (even if it is removed from Ulyukaev after months) it will not have any meaning. This loud arrest has already fulfilled all the tasks:

1) The influence of the so -called “liberals” in the Medvedev government was minimized, and the main goal of this special operation was, of course, not Ulyukaev, but Dvorkovich and Shuvalov.

2) President Putin again demonstrated the effectiveness of the power ligament of the SKR -FSB (moreover, that part of the FSB, which, relatively speaking, “controls” Sichin). Bastrykin is again on the political scene, he had the opportunity to recoup and rehabilitate not only himself, but also his closest subordinates under investigation.

3) On October 31, Vladimir Putin met with Vagit Alekperov. According to the source of Vedomosti, Putin invited Alekperov to redeem 19.5% of Rosneft shares. On the conditions that, until November 15, 2016, the owner of Lukoil would consider unacceptable. Now it looks like an offer that cannot be abandoned. However, it still has been in force and whether it was actually unknown for certain. По крайней мере, сам факт опровергается как ЛУКОЙЛом, так и администрацией президента.

Investigation Department