Redistribution of corruption

In Russia - a crisis of management: officials are preparing for the war of everyone against all against the backdrop of a chaotic struggle with bribe takers

After the elections of September 18, the season of political apathy came. Silence was violated only by separate scandals in the field of cultural and historical policy, such as the war of exhibitions and monuments. But now it is clear how the information agenda is overheated again - this time due to the anti -corruption campaign. The fight against corruption went in the country such that it may seem to overturn the notorious stability. And not because it “goes too far” in the sense of personalities - there is almost no doubt that the most senior official who is suspected of corruption will eventually remain Alexei Ulyukaev. But because anti -corruption activity has acquired its own logic and inertia.

The realized seems to be pointily and in specifically clan interests, at some point it becomes a self-sufficient way to exchange “signals” inside the system. An increasing number of different generals - both in uniforms and in civilian - become victims of this game.

For supporters of the so -called A strong hand, as usual, indicates that “the corrupt officials finally took up seriously”, despite the obvious inconsistency and incompleteness of the campaign.

For skeptics, the growth of an anti -corruption agenda in the middle of an apolitical period seems to manifest the new handling crisis.

There are no answers to two fundamentally important issues for the survival of the political system. Firstly, in whose interests an anti-corruption policy is implemented? And, secondly, how are officials who have immunity to it? Since there are no these answers, the state apparatus is paralyzed - and each part of it is preparing for the war of everyone against all. A good example of such a defeat is the situation in the Ministry of Economic Development in the morning after the detention of Ulyukaev.

Government meetings were canceled in order to understand the only important administrative issue: “Where did it come from.”

Another example is legal claims to the head of the Russian Post Dmitry Strashnov: the General Prosecutor's Office demanded that a criminal case against him on charges of assigning 95 million rubles against him. Strashnov claims that the corresponding monetary bonus was credited to him in 2015 by the state - that is, its leadership in the ministry, and therefore is completely legal. From a hardware point of view, claims to Strashnov can become the basis for pressure on the Minister of Communications Nikiforov, who can also be considered to be “liberals”.

But it is even more important that the criteria themselves are eroded by which we separate corruption and legal money transactions. Relations between officials and state -owned companies take place in the gray zone, which can be interpreted as you like. It is comical that in relation to billions seized from Colonel Zakharchenko, the investigation has not been established by the fact of their origin, and therefore, the money is still the property of the colonel. While the official bonus of the top manager may be investigated as a crime. What is considered corruption in each case is determined, thus, the point of view of the overseering body, and some personalities and structures are obviously derived from such supervision.

We need to make a reservation. We do not claim that in Russia there is no corruption or that corruption investigations always represent someone's order. However, political institutions in modern Russia are not able to conduct a transparent combat against corruption according to all rules and standards, without destroying themselves. So, before us is something else.