
Leonid Grach was born in 1948 in the Vinnitsa region, but his entire political career is connected with the Crimea. After serving in the army, in 1970 he became secretary of the Komsomol Committee GPTU-6 in Kerch and later moved up the party ladder: in 1980 he became deputy head of the Crimean regional committee of the CPSU, from 1984 to the head of the propaganda and agitation department, the secretary of the regional committee in the department. In fact, it was the rook that was the last Soviet leader of the Crimea. After the collapse of the USSR, he headed the Communist Party of Crimea; From 1998 to 2002 he headed the Supreme Council of Crimea, which under him adopted the Constitution of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, and in the next ten years, until 2012, he was a People’s Deputy of Ukraine and worked in the Verkhovna Rada.
Medusa publishes an interview with Leonid Grach as part of a special project dedicated to the third anniversary of the events in the Crimea, which ended with annexics. The main part of the project is here .
- Until 2014, Russia participated in Crimean political life?
- Certainly. Without Moscow, we would not have won Donuzlav . There, in fact, we arrested the landing of the American-Ukrainian landing and set the condition to him-to leave. It was 2008. Of course, we would not be so powerful alone.
- And who then helped you?
- Patrushev Nikolay Platonovich. Today he is the Secretary of the Security Council, then he was the director of the FSB. This is the only person in Moscow who was not empty conversations. I had access to many and have the right to give assessments. Nikolai Platonovich is the only one who really not only deeply saw the development of events that led to what led to, but also really made his personal contribution to that we can rebel here.
- How?
-Well, there are methods and forms, somehow later [they] I will call them.
- So you met him?
- Certainly. In Moscow, [and also] with his representatives in the Kuban. Very smart, good, decent generals who are standing for Mother Russia.
- And what did he advise you then? Helped money?
- My position - I was already a people's deputy of Ukraine - was widely known, I did not leave television screens. I openly professed pro -Russian sentiments. Moreover, I realized them. I want to tell you: if this opposition, which I head until today, could not support Nikolai Platonovich, there would be an American fleet here.

- How could he support at a distance? What did he do specifically?
-Somehow in another interview I will tell you how. He could. This is a man of business, this is a brainless person, understanding a state person, in the deepest sense of the word.
- And when did it start?
-In 2005.
- After the "Orange Revolution"?
- Yes. He understood the first, and the rest played the games.
- Since you don’t want to talk about Patrushev, let's recall how, from your point of view, events developed in February 2014.
- Yanukovych Sdraifil, betrayed everyone. Just on February 23, he was traveling here to the Crimea. And on February 23, Yuri Khaliullin, a former deputy commander of the Black Sea Fleet, called me in the evening. Even in the transition period between the Soviet and post -Soviet, he was a deputy of the Supreme Council of Crimea, and we did not stop good friendly relations. Now he works in Slavyanka . He calls and says: "I have arrived, can I come to you?" I answer - what questions. He arrives, calls, I open ... enters with a small man who does not look stunt. We get acquainted. He says: this and so, this is an employee of Slavyanka Oleg Belaventsev ( then he worked as the general director of Slavyanka OJSC-approx. Medusa ), who later became the plenipotentiary of the president in Crimea, and is now sitting in Pyatigorsk [plenipotentiary in the North Caucasus Federal District].
They sat down. My wife grumbled a little that I did not warn. How did I know? Well, there was borsch there, some kind of snack, a bottle of vodka, and we started a conversation. I describe the whole situation to them, [I say,] that it is explosive, because Kiev here is more than enough, from Kuzmukov to Poroshenko, which was not worn. I say: it will be bad, it is necessary to take measures to protect the Crimea. On this we parted after, and a few days later, on February 26, this company in an extended composition again arrives at my house.
- What is the expanded composition?
-Added by the deputy commander of the naval forces, Alexander Fedotenkov, he was not long commander of the Black Sea Fleet, and now he is a rescue of the Navy.
They come in - and the conversation, as they say, from the place to the quarry. It was already in the evening already, at 9 pm. So and so: we are on behalf of. They refer to the [Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation] Sergey Shoigu: they say, they agreed Shoigu, they ask you to agree to the appointment of you by Prime Minister of Crimea tomorrow; We understand that the situation is difficult. I say: “Guys, I have no problem. I’ll go to the grave with Crimea. You have a problem. " "Which?" “Well,” I say, “how what? You understand that [the chairman of the Supreme Council of Crimea] Konstantinov and the whole company of the Party of Regions hate me fiercely, they will not vote [for me] under any conditions. ” “No, Leonid Ivanovich, don’t worry, everything will be fine.” I say: "Well, please look." At this time, they call me on the phone: the FSB general asks for a meeting, their employee flew, and it is extremely important to meet him today. I say: well, now I’ll finish only another meeting.

- What is the employee?
“Well, I didn't know him.” Who called, I knew. Let's just say this is a man of service. The general, who, on behalf of Patrushev since 2005, has been engaged in Crimea. We must pay tribute to his professionalism - we met in Moscow, in the Kuban, but he never went here. And I did not know an employee who arrived in Crimea. I say: "Well, I will meet a little later." At this moment, a special apparatus of government communications is brought to my house - such a box with antenna and a tube - and connect me with the Minister of Defense Shoigu.
We start a conversation: hello, hi, all that. I tell him: I remember you well from the time when the first secretary entered the Department of Defense Industry of the CPSU Central Committee and met the instructor Shoigu. ( Laughs. ) Shoigu says to me: “Well, I ask you, give you consent ...” I answer, no doubt, I just need to solve one problem - and I repeat the same as the rest. He says: "This is not a problem." We part with this company, and once again a person [from the FSB] calls me, whom we need to meet.
He says: "I am here in the cathedral of Peter and Paul." I call my car, I'm going to the cathedral. There is a small fire department on the right, and next to it is a single -entrance hotel called "European". I drove up, I look - what is it? Fedenkov stand, Khaliullin, with whom we broke up an hour ago. And the driver says to me: "Oh, look, the guard and the driver of Konstantinov." I say: "So, I did not understand."
- That is, Konstantinov was already at that moment in negotiations with the same Fedotenkov and Belaventsev?
- Yes. And I say: "What is it?" They say: “Yes, let's go there. And [the leader of the party “Russian unity”] was called by Aksenov. ” I say: “I don't understand something, guys. OK". Although the heart shouted, as they say.
I went to meet with the Ephesians. A man comes up: "I am a colonel of such and such, let's go, I will connect you and General." And he rented a temporarily housing there, everything was conspired with them. We went to the apartment, they have their own connection, he connects me to the general. And again they say to me: “You must give consent ... Tomorrow, gather a rally in the morning and say that you consent to be the prime minister.” I say: “Guys, this is some kind of childhood, the garbage by and large. I will collect, but this is childhood. " I gathered, by the way, running ahead. And at this time everything went - it was all against the background of [events] on February 26.
- Then there were clashes between the rally of the Mejlis and the pro -Russian supporters of “Russian unity”.
- Yes. And there was such a confrontation that you won’t understand why and what. The next day, Khaliullin and Fedotenkov come to my office, and after them Belavets. They call someone, whisper. Then two more people come. And I already receive information on my channels that they voted for Aksenov, which surprised me at all. A person has a hand or a head, does not know how. Man of the Donetsk world. And these too ... are sitting with me, they eat my sandwiches, drink my vodka. They shrug and say: "You see, it did not work." And quietly fled.
The remaining FSB officers tightened the new series - Leonid Ivanovich, from tomorrow we will organize rallies in support of the referendum and the new Crimean government. Then I got angry. I say: “Guys, without me. I will not sell my face. It is one thing - pro -Russian forces, and the other is the support of the bandits. ” They parted on that.
Several hours pass. Belaventsev walks on the Supreme Council, leads. And by evening, “polite little men” appear all over the Crimea. Which in itself is absolutely justified. If this had not been, we would not have been sitting here and did not talk.
- Do you understand how the “little men” arrived?
- It was a landing. Transport planes sat down, and that’s it. Well, the forces of the Black Sea Fleet lifted. There were a dozen aircraft. And then simply - military units of the Ukrainian army, the sea fleet, and so on without a single shot were localized. If they had not been localized, shooting would have gone here - and that would be a huge grief for everyone. And they took by and large the mind and fright.

- Did you expect that all this will happen further - with a referendum and entrance to Russia? Remember, all these meetings with Chally ...
- Nobody called me there. I was no longer needed.
- What emotions did you experience?
- I’ll say right: there was a resentment. They took anyone. Well [the head of Sevastopol Alexey] Chaly okay - time showed that he was out of place. But I was worried. I understood who Aksenov and Konstantinov were, and I had anxiety.
Then, by the way, it takes several months - and suddenly the deputy envoy of the president in Crimea recalls me. Calls: Could you come to our representative office? I'm going, there is a bunch of security. The passport is asked, documents. I tell them: the rook in the Crimea is alone. They called somewhere and missed. I was bought in the office of Belaventsev. Belaventsev is not, there is his deputy, also a general, an ephezbashnik. Odes sings to me, gives the medal “For the Liberation of Crimea”, a certificate signed by Belaventsev.
A month later, in September 2014, preparations for elections to the State Council of Crimea begins. And I was already legalized politically. He did not go to the Zyuganov party, he went to the boy’s party, the “communists of Russia” Suraikin. I decided to participate in the elections, although I already knew that the team was given. The chairman of the Central Election Commission, with a beard - Churov, yes, - gave the team: Rook no more than two percent. Volodin, who was a terrible person, was led by the same person.
In general, I went to the deputy [Belaventsev] and say: “Look. You see that this is one gang-lying. Separate the State Council in half. Some of the Aksenov will lead, some of the Konstantinov. And almost everything - [former] Party of regions. The most vicious, which everyone knows. What will you do? " He answers: "Ivanovich, but we will not be allowed." What do you not allow when I know that there is already a team [deputy head of the presidential administration Vyacheslav] Volodin? The same was dispersed by the city, district election commissions, and there are their people, and everyone [said]: “How can you?! Grach has such an authority. He will only take these 5%due to authority. ” But the team was to chop.
And then what followed. A very high patriotic level was faced with the terry Russian bureaucracy itself, which is the foundation of corruption in the country. Today I am to everyone - Putin, and Chaika, and Bastrykin - I write letters with evidence of corruption in Crimea in all areas.
- And Patrushev?
- And I write to him.
“But he no longer calls?”
- No. Now no longer. "Moor did his job."
Ilya Zhegulev