
Alexander Morozov keeps a weekly philosophical diary on Colt.
Shook on March 26. Last time, the incident quickly enveloped the “creative class” (ironically - “creacs”), this time that the federal media remained silent during the events themselves rushed to build the border at the audience through the words “Shkolota”, “riot of schoolchildren”.
Of course, there were few schoolchildren there, even in Moscow and St. Petersburg. “You remember, I went to Bolotnaya with you,” a 20-year-old son told me (he was then 15 years old, during this time he turned into a healthy horse from a teenager). “This is all completely different,” he said. -I remember then I looked, there were some groups with banners, some anarchists, monarchists and “all these devils”. And here it was not at all. ” He clearly saw himself on Tverskaya among his broad sense. While he retold his impressions, I sharply realized that for him the events of Bolotnaya is already a distant story. The old -time protest, in no way connected with the fact that he is experiencing now.
Looking at the video of the stream walking along the Tverskaya, and at the faces of those who went out in the square in Yekaterinburg, Perm, St. Petersburg, etc., I thought about this: many smart people wrote that the so -called postcracity majority was a politically extremely contradictory and dangerous thing. The structure of this majority is unclear. We see only its “surface”, which is completely designed as a certain “media -assembly”, which the same media at the right time fall asleep like clay, to give it the form of the “electoral majority”. But these 85% are too heavy ballast for this boat. It is these 85% that represent the problem. A strong wind blow - and the boat is upside down. And on the streets on March 26, it seems to me, we first saw the "tender abdomen" of this postcrymist majority.
In contrast to the Festamsky events of 2011-2012, when the “educated lower middle class of Moscow 40+” was the core of the protesters, which in its common memory contains the hopes of the 90s, and the defeat of NTV, and the landing of Khodorkovsky, and the whole “post-Soviet transit” as part of his own life-and this life is “other”, “opposite” in relation to Putinism,--“the opposite”-- Here we see, as it were, "the same." March 26 is the same “post-wing”, just turning another side. The worldview nucleus of ONEMnedimon is not an alliance of ideological groups, not a temporary constellation of fiery anarchists with liberals from free media and circles of “enlightened nationalists”, etc. My hypothesis: before us is a strong surge of this “Putin majority”, “post-Crime”.
An interesting moment inthe Vedomosti video : the correspondent asks one of the 20-year-old guys walking in the crowd: "Why did you come out?" -And he replies: “This is not some fake Crimea; I went out because it is important for all of us. ” This is a very curious evidence: for the postcrymist majority, the question of the belonging of Crimea is already a matter of “fake disputes”. But palaces and yachts - this "applies to us all." This applies not to the field of “opinions”, but to “ontology”.
The postcryplace majority of March 26 does not even protest - in a political sense. It simply goes out to fix its understanding of the basic foundations of life, how "the world is arranged at all." Therefore, all the participants asked by journalists and sociologists on the streets immediately and unanimously began to answer: “The matter is not in Navalny. And it's not about Medvedev. ” That is, this is not a political movement in support of Navalny and not a political movement for the resignation of the prime minister. What is it?
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The networks shows that part of the "old intelligentsia" skeptically, or even in fright, recoiled from March 26. And this is easily explainable: it is really scary if the “Podkrymsk Putin majority” suddenly begins to walk. And if suddenly it begins to re -make an idea of a “fair society”. Here, of course, we will all immediately fall from the dull flow of “sapistoria” directly into the magma of the historical self -determination of giant social contingents.
This is an “open story”. The finale is unknown in advance. And when you begin to ponder the prospect that the “Putin majority” will suddenly turn upside down - everything is entirely as a giant ice floe in the water - it is not a “expert” question about what the “Kremlin’s reaction” will be, what will be the position of the “State Department” (and the other “fortunetelling political science”). And the question of where I myself have to go: whether to run away from this stove of the majority now or, conversely, is my choice - to plunge myself and my family into an open future.
And if I choose this future, you will have to go through more than one risky field, but two. And maybe three. And from a certain point, looking at what is happening from the outside, it will be no longer possible from outside.
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Of course, the "policy of the majority" is worse than the "Coalition Policy". The republic as a political consensus of communities - and even with the tradition of the parliamentary representation of these communities - is much more reliable than Putinism. But this is in Germany. Or somewhere else there.
And here the already accomplished fact of political ontology is a large ice floe. And what to do if you are inside this majority, if you are on an ice floe, and do not look from somewhere in the eyes of God at the historical process? The appeals to the Kremlin are already useless. Even if the “imaginary Kiriyenko” there decided that managing the Republic of Minorities is more reliable than to crush the majority, there is no way back. It is impossible to segment this ice floe on the totality of independent political entities.
Yes, and the Kremlin does not hear anything. He does not read what prof. Filippov (strengthening political formation will not help anyone) or prof. Klyamkin (you cannot ignore the mass social well -being of youth). The Kremlin reads "sociology" prof. Fedorova (VTsIOM). And he dullly tells RBC that "Navalny's rating is falling, and nothing threatens most." He simply does not understand at all that the majority itself is threatening.
Obviously, Navalny moved on March 26, that is, “slightly mobilized”, which did not die off the “anti -Putin movement”, but this is the Putin's postcrymist majority.
And this is still "swinging slightly."
Scared, iron lumberjack and lion in search of himself
Diary about the soil going from under the legs. Berlin.
Records on March 4-7
Diary about the soil going from under the legs.
Records on February 20-26