Could not be silent

The Russian authorities are forced to comment on rallies against corruption

Russian officials and parliamentarians publicly argued about the investigation of the Corruption Fund (FBK) against Dmitry Medvedev and rallies on March 26. After the publication of the FBC video, the press secretary of Medvedev Natalya Timakova said that "to comment on the propaganda attacks of an opposition and convicted character who said that he was already leading some kind of election campaign and fighting power is pointless." But after the prime minister was demanded by a large crowd in the center of Moscow, where the schoolchildren carried posters next to the “veterans” of the protest, it became clear that it would still be necessary to comment.

On Monday, a day after the start of the first protests in Vladivostok, the presidential press secretary Dmitry Peskov responded, suspecting the participants in opposition rallies in selfish motives-on the same day the Investigative Committee said that he had facts confirming the bribery.

On Wednesday, the speaker of the Federation Council Valentin Matvienko was activated: “All representatives of the authorities are deputies, senators, executive bodies in the regions, of course, should meet people, understand why they are protesting, what excites them, discussing ways to resolve these issues,” Matvienko said to the issues of journalists after the meeting of the Council on Wednesday.

The operator from the Irkutsk region Vyacheslav Markhaev, who is called a possible candidate for the post of head of Buryatia from the parliamentary opposition, at a meeting of the upper house proposed to formulate an order from the Council of Law enforcement to the income and property of Dmitry Medvedev, but Valentina Matvienko did not support the initiative, referring to the fact that Markhaev was referring to the fact that Markhaev was referring to the fact that Markhaev was referring He did not formulate a protocol order that could be discussed.

Vyacheslav Markhaev told the “new” that several single-and-dinossees expressed his support “outside the walls of the meeting hall”: “After my performance, several senators approached, said they supported this initiative. They said: “There are information, so why the UK and other [bodies], who needs to create legal assessments, are silent?” But to show ourselves at the time of voting ... Despite such moments, they are representatives of the regions, and we perfectly understand the role of the government in appointments, as well as specialized committees in financing the regions. "

Nevertheless, Marchaev is convinced that “there is a category of senators who can openly support it” when he again enters the draft protocol order by the Prosecutor General, this time formulating it quite clearly.

Dmitry Azarov Senator Dmitry Azarov (Samara Region) said to “New” that he sees no reason for additional intervention by parliamentarians: “The Federation Council is not a political struggle body, and I think that members of the Spheres need to concentrate on protecting the inhabitants of their regions. I do not see grounds for a parliamentary investigation. ”

At the same time, inside the Communist Party, the reaction to the situation is ambiguous. MP Valery Rashkin on March 22 sent appeals to the UK, FSB, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Prosecutor General with a request to verify the data of the FBK. On March 25, his one -party members Denis Parfyonov and Alexei Kurinin proposed using a forgotten institution of parliamentary investigation to find out whether the prime minister was really involved in corruption. The party has not disowned the initiative, but it is not noticeable yet active work: in order to initiate a parliamentary investigation, you need to collect the signature of the fifth part of all deputies (90 people), and for this the Communist Party, other factions must be connected. However, several deputies of settlements on Wednesday reported “New” that the Communists did not even discuss this issue with them. The LDPR refused to comment, citing the lack of instructions from the party leadership.

At the same time, on Monday from the Communist Party of the Communist Party, a note by the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party of Sergei Obukhov was shot about Sunday protests, where the communist admitted that Navalny managed to mobilize a significant number of people, and the Communist Party is important not to miss the historical moment. “The post -Soviet generation passes its first experience in political socialization. Unfortunately, the Communist Party has not yet reached this layer. Navalny - already managed to “hook it,” the text that has survived in the cache of Google says.

As for the “fair Russia”, the leader of the faction Sergey Mironov on Wednesday spoke in the spirit that the prime minister would be nice to answer the accusations: “You are creating some kind of fund, but why not say about it why you need to wait for such films and remain silent?” Nevertheless, clarity with whether the “SR” will support a possible parliamentary investigation, did not appear. The deputies Alexander Burkov and Elena Drapeko told the “new” that the party has not even discussed this issue, although they personally approve the initiative of the Communists.

The possible demarche of the Duma opposition takes place against the backdrop of a sluggish frost of relations between parties and the presidential administration: on Monday, deputies Igor Lebedev (LDPR) and Alexander Burkov (“SR”) in the Vedomosti newspaper complained that the new composition of the domestic policy department practically does not interact with parties, and in the case of conflicts in the regions they “do not know who to go”. Meanwhile, the post of curator of the Federal Assembly in the UVP has not yet been busy since December 2016.

Rostislav Turovsky, head of the Department of Regional Studies of the Center for Political Technologies, believes that the split in power on the basis of the scandal is now quite possible. “The natural consequence for the elites here will be isolation of himself from Medvedev in a political establishment, since he begins to turn into a“ lame duck ”. Medvedev has a very limited circle of supporters, there is no consolidated team. Therefore, those who were his tactical ally will calculate the imminent changes in the government, starting from their leader. I assume that a large number of people will fall under the "change". "

Nevertheless, before the presidential election, fundamental decisions on the fate of Medvedev are unlikely to be made, Turovsky believes. “Medvedev’s resignation is a question that Putin decides. And I do not think that he intends to solve it quickly, and besides, painful for Medvedev. In any case, this resignation will be held in honorary conditions and not against the backdrop of protest performances against Medvedev. Protests, from this point of view, will only contribute to postponing a decision on resignation. ”

Mikhail Remizov, president of the Institute of National Strategy, also believes that although Dmitry Medvedev’s political prospects come to naught, his resignation is more likely to be closer to the elections. “The authorities, of course, understands that the public perception of Medvedev as a person of“ United Russia ”is inevitable, so it will be necessary to do something. Another question is that, according to our constitutional system, the government is changing after the presidential election. Accordingly, this is already a technical aspect: and when to start this “reboot”, in advance or after the voting day? I believe that Medvedev’s departure will take place. But he will not be an early untimely resignation associated with an expression of distrust, disappointment and negative assessment of the government. It will be a thoughtful planned thing. ”