
The case of Khodorkovsky. The case of Yevtushenkov. The case of Ulyukaev. We all learn from someone else's experience, and the powers of this world is no exception. And although each plot associated with the collision of a punitive Russian machine on a rich citizen is unique, there are also features of similarities, and embodied in specific human features. These two are visible everywhere: the President of the Russian Federation and the head of Rosneft. Putin and Sechin.
However, there are still much more differences, starting with the personalities. One oligarch, who dared to point out the country's head of the corruption nature of the transaction on the acquisition of Rosneft of the North Oil company, is in no way like another oligarch, who always served as a model of political well -being. Minister-Capitalist in status above the capitalists.
There are also circumstances in which the state was thrown on Khodorkovsky, Yevtushenkov, Ulyukaev. The owner of the "Yukos" was not only robbed, but also planted, in a pre -trial detention center and then to the camp, since Vladimir Vladimirovich offended to the core brought his personal scores. Neither Putin nor even Sechin had anything against the owner of Bashneft. It’s just that Igor Ivanovich has a habit that became in the era of sector sanctions the second nature, grab everything that lies badly, and the “Bashneft” lay badly. Having got rid of this asset, Vladimir Petrovich got rid of and to share the fate of Mikhail Borisovich of fear. As for Ulyukaev, he, according to the case file, himself tried to rob poor Sechin, extorting a bribe, but he guessed to call for the help of the FSB. Here, of course, I would like to add that if the oligarchs were just as guessed, then the Chekists would have long been tied directly by Igor Ivanovich, but this desire soon disappears. Well, reluctance to look like an idiot.
It is also worth noting that the fate and statements of the repressed sometimes intersect. I recall how Khodorkovsky learned from his Swiss, taught by Gorky experience, advised Yevtushenkov to "agree on any conditions", just to avoid prison. As the main owner of the AFK System, Ulyukaev , carefully, fearing the outflow of capital from Russia after Yevtushenkov was sent under house arrest. As the same Ulyukaev was involved in the absorption of Bashneft Rosneft, which he Igor Ivanovich probably did not forgive him. Fresh news from the courtroom, where the ex-minister accused Sechin and the former head of the Rosneft Safety Service Feoktistov of “provocation of a bribe ... on the basis of a deliberately false denunciation,” Khodorkovsky commented with that old love for the provocateur, which will never rust.
In general, Alexei Valentinovich, detained in November last year, theoretically could lead himself differently. Like Khodorkovsky and some of his accomplices, who denounced both Sechin and Putin, and the so -called regime, preparing to pay for many years of imprisonment for their unrestrained contempt for those who tried to sink and humiliate them. Like Yevtushenkov, who quietly solved his own and Sechinsky problems and leaned back with a clear conscience from under house arrest: the case against him was closed for the absence, imagine the corpus delicti. Ulyukaev chose a third, most, perhaps, reasonable way of behavior in his position. He harshly rejected all the accusations, but specifically focused only on those who broke his life. On Sichin with a Chekist general, seconded to him.
This move is correct for a number of reasons. Firstly, Alexei Valentinovich localizes the conflict, reducing him to a private confrontation with the “provocateurs”, and on the day when Igor Ivanovich already summoned to court finds out what is the important difference between written brief statements for printing and an oral lawyer cross interrogation, a very bright sight awaits us. Even if the court classifies the interrogation of Sechin, he will still have to answer and the precious details of the incident, someone will merge. Secondly, speaking with desperate determination and actually declaring enemies by criminals, Ulyukaev, who was pouring under house arrest, attracts sympathy. And if you say that there is no society in Russia, then this will be only half the truth. There is no society, but the mood in it is easily traced, and it is clear that a considerable part of the deaf -muffled establishment on the side of the victim. Including, they say, the prime minister, who has their questions have accumulated to Sichin. Thirdly and the main ones, the reputation of the one without which there is no Rosneft, such that hundreds of elite gentlemen-both within the country and outside its borders dream of his shame.
Of course, the sentence to Alexei Valentinovich will not be taken out in the courtroom. Putin will decide what Femis will say, weighing the testimony of Sechin and Ulyukaev on extremely accurate weights. Meanwhile, the pre -election year is in the yard, the best minds of the country are corked over the image of the future for the fourth presidential term, and it seems to be the time to give some signals. For example, on the eve of his last election, Yeltsin was carniviously threw Korzhakov from the porch with Barsukov and the nipple - the boyars of honored, famous, faithful. True, Putin seems to be doomed to victory even to expose conspiracies and put the closest associates to shame. Nevertheless, it is clear that the expulsion of Sechin from power is a powerful move, immediately encouraging both the elites and the people who, however, hardly distinguishes Igor Ivanovich from Alexei Valentinovich, but considers everyone thieves. Beaching the slanderers, the defendant does not turn to the people, but to the elites, and above all - to Putin.
Some events indicating that Ulyukaev in a collision with Sechin is not at all doomed to defeat the side, already occur. There is evidence that General Feoktistov, who was previously seconded to Rosneft and left in the spring, is not taken back to the FSB. Putin is dissatisfied with them. It is also reported that they will not take it, and will be fired. And this information strengthens us in the thoughts that Ulyukaev, very sophisticated in hardware intrigues, challenged Sichin, not only because he hates him with all his heart. For, unlike ordinary people who stupidly study on someone else's experience, people are unusual, such as the bribe of the former minister, accused of extorting, based their actions also on accurate hidden knowledge. In this knowledge, sometimes there is a lot of sadness that breaks through in his words, when he assesses the situation in the economy as "excellent, but not hopeless." However, the hope of a change in the fate in them also sounds, and righteous anger, and joy, and gloating.