
The abolition of the mandatory study of the Tatar language, as well as in general, Vladimir Putin’s attack on the languages of the peoples of Russia, could not seem the most important event of his reign in comparison with the adventures of recent years - from the annexation of Crimea to attempts to undermine the stability of Western democracies. Nevertheless, when historians of the future will describe the reasons for the collapse of modern Russian statehood, they will definitely remember this attack.
I will not say that the Russian people in Russia live well. But at least no one has ever reproached the Russian person with origin, language, and in non -communist years, religion. The history of the peoples of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation is the history of constant undeserved humiliations. This is a story of contempt, restrictions on rights, petty nit -picking - and relating to everyone: both those who dream that their people get rid of the power of Moscow, and those who sincerely want to live in Russia. At the same time, the history of Russia, already several times in the last century, who has finished suicide, has not been teaching Russian chauvinists. They can repeat.
Fans of the conspiracy theories of Russian collapse usually voluptuously list Jewish, Polish, Latvian, Georgian and other foreign surnames among those who were at the head of the revolutionary parties of the beginning of the last century. Of course, it was a whole foreign legion - from Trotsky to Dzerzhinsky, from Martov to Radek, from Stalin to Peters. But could it be otherwise if the Russian Empire was built as an organism that rejected foreigners. The mockery of the "Pale of Settlement", the constant "experiments" with the languages of the peoples of Russia, the prohibitions of teaching, the change of writing, squeezing abroad - all this, coupled with mediocre politics in relation to the Russians themselves, could not but lead to the explosion, collapse and the establishment of the dictatorship of the most crazy of the revolutionary parties.
Then, according to the same scheme, the Soviet Union was decomposed - at first under the mask of Bolshevik “internationalism”, and then under the same flags of rampant Russification and the power corridors of chauvinism that returned to the power. Now the same thing happens with the remainder of the USSR - the Russian Federation. Again, the usual contempt for the "Nationals" is returned, the belief that only the Russian official knows how to live.
And this manifests itself not only at Putin's level. Most recently, journalist Anastasia Mironova in one of the Moscow Internet publications called supporters of preserving the teaching of the languages of the peoples of Russia from the past, dismissively wrote about "small nations", "small languages" and "small history" - and this is not about the desire to protect the Tatars or the Buryats from the Russian language, but about the desire to preserve their own native speech. And, of course, it was not forgotten about Ukraine in this amazing that they also did not forget the written text: “When they say in Ukraine about the transition to Ukrainian, I personally think about Kyiv to just score its citizens in a dark corner. Without Russian, Ukrainians will not be able to fully study. In the meantime, they master English to the level of the second language, intox.”
But since there is no way to punish (sorry, civilize) the wrong Ukrainians - they are practicing on the Tatars, they are still their own. But the crisis in the relationship between Moscow and Kazan of the late 80s and the early 90s was overcome only thanks to the search for compromises and the new entry of the Tatarstan elite into the Russian semi-commercial-publisher nomenclature. Why, obeying the instinct of the holding, to ruin this system of compromises, no one can explain today.
It is clear that Kazan will not answer Moscow now. Tatars will simply remember this. National minorities show their memory not when the central power is strong, but when it weakens. This state remembers that power is not always strong, that at a difficult moment it can be needed universal support. The state is not a festive toast about the Russian people. But the Russian Federation is only an imitation of the state. In fact, this is an ordinary suicide club.