I decided to compare the program of Ksenia Sobchak with the Navalny program

So the Sobchak program arrived. I decided to compare its political part with what Navalny offers. Here I deliberately consider both platforms exclusively as texts, regardless of the personality of its authors. After all, we will be frank: the chance that in the near future one of them will come to realize their program is negligible, but the discussion about the image of future Russia should not stop from this.

1. There are many similarities and coincidences, which is logical: both of them position themselves as candidates from the liberal opposition. In both programs, approximately one composition of political reforms is described: the redistribution of part of the powers from the president to parliament, the establishment of a limit within two presidential terms (not “in a row”), liberalization of party and electoral legislation, including Reducing the barrier to pass in the State Duma to 3%, direct elections to the Council of People's Commissars, the termination of the federal government in the regional affairs, the abolition of "anti -extremist" articles, the fight against "dictatorship of the chairmen of the courts", direct elections of the peace, the transition to the contract army, tightening liability for falsification of elections, etc.

2. The fundamental difference is the attitude to lustration. Navalny supports her (although it describes only the most common words), and Sobchak is against, offering only "personal responsibility for specific crimes." However, already in the neighboring point, she offers "unified security guarantees and protection from state criminal prosecution of persons who occupied the highest state posts in the country and members of their families."

In other words, only the switchmen will bear the responsibility, and the top will remain with their own. This is very bad not only from an ethical point of view, but also because it will allow the old elites to maintain their influence on politics and the economy and after some time take revenge. That is, again the same rake as in 1991-1993.

3. On the other hand, Sobchak has much more specific and radical sentences on many points. She says, for example, about the establishment of parliament with the right to form a government, including the appointment of the so -called "power" ministers. This is actually a transition to a parliamentary-presidential model. Sobchak writes about the actual desovetization and the introduction of civilian unions (step towards the legalization of same -sex marriages).

4. Due to the greater detail in the text of Sobchak there are ideas that, apparently, forgot or considered not enough authors of the Navalny program. For example, it mentions the abolition of the law on "foreign agents" and the resolution of electoral blocks. On the other hand, Sobchak deliberately or not writes about the return of 4 years of term of office for elected authorities.

5. The program itself has many internal contradictions and just strange offers. For example, the same paragraph on desovetization involves “legislatively prohibiting the justification of Stalin and Repression,” but two paragraphs below Sobchak “cancel laws that limit the activities of citizens ... in modern communication media”. It is not clear how one combines with the other: what will happen if any idiot wants to justify Stalinist repression on the Internet?

It is also surprising on the legislative protection "Rights ... of the political representation of minorities." Is this, quotas in the State Duma for women, gays and blacks? With all due respect to these minorities, this idea looks wild. Or you need to explain what it is about.

The idea with the choice of chairmen of the courts with secret vote in combination with the rejection of lustration will not give anything. You can look at the experience of neighboring Ukraine: there, after a similar reform, almost all courts chose the same chairmen for themselves. The option with rotation/lot, proposed by Navalny, looks much wiser.

Sobchak writes almost nothing about local self -government, more precisely about his financial foundations. She proposes to transfer personal income tax to the federal level, and VAT and income tax are regions. Municipalities, apparently, must further suck the paw.

6. In general, the strength of the text of Sobchak is a greater sense of integrity. At Navalny, the program was written clearly by different people and, it seems that they wrote the political part on the last night, in a hurry and on the residual principle. On the other hand, this is also not a “reboot of the state”, but only a proposal of very careful and uncertain reforms.

Navalny program: Sobchak program: https://sobchakprotivvvseh.ru/steps123

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