The Ministry of Internal Affairs and the FSB have video evidence of innocence of the head of the Chechen "Memorial"

The criminal case against the head of the Chechen representative office of the human rights center "Memorial" Oyub Titiev, accused of storing drugs, is built according to the classical principle: the word against the word. There are testimonies of Oyub Titiev himself, who claims that on the morning of January 9 this year, a package with 200 grams of marijuana was thrown into his car during the inspection by traffic police officers. Titieva was delivered to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kurchaloevsky district of Chechnya, where they tried in accordance with the Chechen realities (threatening the pursuit of his son under the article “Participation in illegal armed formation”) to make me confess to drug storage. When the human rights activist abandoned the self -cargo, they decided to act "according to the law." Accompanied by one of the police officers, who, apparently, made sure that the bag of drugs did not go anywhere from the car of the car, Titiev was taken to the very place where they detained for the first time. And ... they detained again. This time already in accordance with the Code of Criminal Procedure, that is, with the investigator, forensic and understood.

Titiev tells all this in a detailed way in his testimony. Against the word Titiev - only the testimony of the Chechen and seconded police officers themselves. There is no other objective, not amenable to the fraud of evidence of Oyub’s guilt in the case. But is it possible to trust the police? After all, if Titiev is telling the truth, then they committed a serious crime. But why? A logical question, isn't it?

Motive

Such a thing as a “motive of a crime” , which has a fundamental meaning in criminal law, plays a huge role in this matter.

Titiev is accused of storing 206 grams of marijuana. These are a few glasses. You can bit you. But Oyub does not drink, does not smoke, does not consist of drug learning. The examination conducted immediately after the detention showed that he is asbulus "clean." Then where and why does he need such a huge amount of drugs? If the crime of which Titiev was accused really took place, this issue would be sharply on the agenda of the investigation.

But the investigation is not at all interested in where Titiev’s marijuana got (he is not accused of acquisition), and also to whom it was intended (he is not accused of trying to sell).

In this criminal case there is another episode with the “detection of drugs” . On January 19, that is, 10 days after the detention of Titiev, police officers found two cigarettes with Anashoy on the balcony of the Memorial office in Grozny. Two absolutely fresh cigarettes, which, this is quite obviously, were thrown in the night before the search. But why, if these “evidence” do not have evidence in the Titiev case? After all, the accused himself, being in a pre -trial detention center, could not throw them there. There is only one answer to this question. To plant Oyub Titiev is a secondary task.

The main goal of this “anti -drug” multi -income is to discredit the “memorial”.

Oyub Titiev came to human rights 18 years ago. At the height of the Second Chechen War. Until 2009, he headed the Gudermes branch of the Memorial. In Hudermmes and in his native curly, the village, which was founded by his ancestors, many know Oyuba. But Kurchaloevsky police knew him especially well. And the best of all is the person very close to Ramzan Kadyrov, the former chief of the Kurchaloevsky District Department of Internal Affairs Hamzat Edelgeriev.

REFERENCE
From 2005 to 2014, the Kurchaloevsky District Department of Internal Affairs headed one of the most dangerous people in Chechnya - Hamzat Edelgiriyev. The villain Kadyrov, a personal guard of the late older brother Ramzan - Zelimkhan. In 2003, a criminal case was instituted in Pyatigorsk on the fact of hooligan shooting in a restaurant. Zelimkhan Kadyrov took place in the case. Hamzat then took the blame on himself and thereby rendered the Kadyrov family for which they generously paid a special status.

It is Hamzat and his subordinates that are still reasonably suspected of involvement in the murder of another employee of the Chechen Memorial - human rights activist Natalia Estemirova. In turn, the head of Chechnya personally knew her - he spoke about her in the same way as Anna Politkovskaya. The expression "enemies of Kadyrov" is precisely about these two women. They shot both for protecting the Chechens first from the Russian army, and then from the Chechen government, the foundation of which is the same Russian army.

After the death of Natasha, Oyub Titiev headed the Chechen Memorial.

Over the years of Kadyrov’s reign in Chechnya, all the foci of a very strong once local human rights movement were progressively destroyed. Chechen human rights activists grew up in Chechen wars. These were real ascetics, desperately brave people. They dealt with them in four years: the first crushing blow was the murder of Anna Politkovskaya. The last is the murder of Natasha Estemirova. In 2009, Russian human rights activists came to the aid of Chechen colleagues: on the initiative of the Nizhny Novgorod organization, the Committee against torture, the work of a consolidated mobile group was organized in Chechnya, which included visiting lawyers, human rights activists and journalists. In 2015, after a number of defiantly arrogant attacks remaining unpunished, and this group ceased to exist. Only the Memorial remained in Chechnya: Oyub Titiev, several lawyers and activists conducting a huge job. It was precisely thanks to the “memorial” that hundreds of Chechens achieved the recognition of the fact in the Strasbourg court, then their relatives died as a result of war crimes committed in Chechnya by Russian troops. The Memorial conducted a program for helping Chechens, sentenced to huge terms for extremely dubious criminal cases. The Memorial helped the Russian old people who remained in Chechnya without any support. And most importantly - the "memorial" continued to monitor the crimes of the Chechen security forces.

On a global scale of 2017, one can fully consider the “year of Chechnya” in the most sad sense. Pursuit of gays, extrajudicial executions, mass abductions of people, fierce torture, secret prisons. And this is in a “peaceful” Chechnya, it seems like a fighting terrorism and claiming leadership in the tourist cluster of the Caucasus. The result was the sanctions extremely painful for the pride of local authorities. First of all, the introduction of the Magnitsky head of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov and the blocking of his account on Instagram.

Revenge for Instagram Kadyrov in the form of a marijuana package in the car of Oyub Titiev is not just an assumption. The reprisal was announced.

At the end of December (a few days after the Instagram blocking), the speaker of the local parliament Magomed Daudov performed and pointed to the last human rights activists in Chechnya as a target. On the first working day of the new 2018, drugs were thrown Oyub Titiev. The motive of the crime in criminal law is “internal motives that cause a person to commit a crime and which it was guided by it during its commission”. What the Chechen police were guided in this story is completely clear. An order that they could not help but fulfill.

Objective evidence

In the case of Oyub Titiev, from the very beginning, there was an objective evidence of his innocence: a video from the cameras of the Kurchaloevsky OMVD and the standing wall to the wall with him the FSB department in the Kurchaloevsky district. These camcorders (and specifically - one ephezbesh, installed in such a way as to completely control the Kurchaloevsky cops) on January 9 in the morning should record several events. Namely: the car of Oyub Titiev, Titiev himself and three employees of the immediate response group who arrived in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kurchaloevsky district at 9.20 in the morning. In the hands of one of the traffic police officers is a black package. At 10.20, the cameras were to record the departure of the Oyub Titiev car from the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kurchaloevsky district and the presence of one of the Chechen police officers in the human rights activist. At about 11.30 the same cameras were again supposed to get an Oyub Titiev car in the territory of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kurchaloevsky district, as well as an investigative group of several people, including understandable ones.

These records could fully confirm Titiev’s innocence. This is not a word, this is an objective evidence that cannot be faked. It can only be destroyed, which, apparently, happened

- At least with records from surveillance cameras of the OMVD of the Kurchaloevsky district.

The application for the urgent seizure of video records was submitted by the lawyer Oyub Titiev Peter Zaikin in the very first days of the investigation. The investigator of the Kurchaloevsky Ministry of Internal Affairs Salamov did not dare to consider this petition. Already in itself this fact is not only a gross violation, but also indirect evidence of Titiev’s innocence. The investigator of the Hudermmes inter -district investigative department Ibrahimov, who was checking on the statement of Oyub Titiev on falsification by the Chechen police, criminal case against him, was similarly.

Instead of promptly traveling to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kurchaloevsky district and withdraw records from video cameras, investigator Ibragimov sent a request by mail. Soon I received an answer: "The camcorders of the OMVD of the Kurchaloevsky district were inoperative on January 9."

Investigator Ibragimov was satisfied with this explanation, although he was obliged to appoint a technical examination in order to find out the cause of the non -working condition of the cameras on this day, as well as clarify the following issues. How (documentary) and by whom is the fact of the inoperability of the cameras? Who and when repaired video cameras if the breakdown took place? Do these cameras work at all? And if these are not cameras, but dummies, then which company installed them? Does it have a license? How many budget funds did she "wash" on this? And - a more global question - do camcorders work in other Chechen police department? I must say, this is only a small part of the issues that provokes the fact of a non -working state of cameras in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kurchaloevsky district on January 9, 2018. And the investigation will have to answer them because

The lack of video recordings is not identical to the lack of evidence of innocence. Just the opposite.

The lack of video recordings not only confirms the version of Oyub Titiev, but also logically raises the question of the criminal liability of a particular person (head of the Kurchaloevsky OMVD) for the destruction (or concealment) of evidence in this case.

Chegenization of Russia

From the very beginning, Oyub’s colleagues were clear that the Chechen police investigation was not able to objectively investigate the case in which the Chechen police were involved. Already on January 10, the head of the HRC Mikhail Fedotov appealed to the chairman of the IC of the Russian Federation Bastrykin with a request to transfer the audit on the fact of the possible falsification of the criminal case against Titiev by the Chechen police by the Main Investigative Directorate of the North Caucasus Federal District. On January 11, Fedotov appeals to the Minister Kolokoltsev with a request to send employees from the central apparatus of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for an objective investigation of the case of Oyub Titiev. Already from the first answers of the deputies of Bastrykin and Kolokoltsev, who received Fedotov, it became clear that the case of Oyub Titiev should not even be transferred to the GSU of the Investigative Committee of the North Caucasus Federal District and not to the central apparatus of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. We must ask for the help of the director of the FSB Bortnikov - the only federal security forces who had not yet finally surrendered the position of his department in Chechnya. The FSB, by the way, has the right to conduct prompt support in criminal cases. In the case of Oyub Titiev, this would help a lot.

From the response of the Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Romanov:

“In the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, your appeals are considered to verify the circumstances of the detention and criminal prosecution of the head of the representative office of the human rights center Memorial in the Chechen Republic OS Titieva. A criminal case ... studied in the Investigative Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. The course of his investigation was discussed at an operational meeting with the participation of Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs in the Chechen Republic R.R. Simbagaeva. During the investigation of the criminal case, violations of the criminal procedure law were not revealed ... "

From this answer, Deputy Minister Romanov follows that not only in Chechnya, but throughout the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation is considered to be “legal” by a citizen of Russia for a period of more than three hours, the disabilities for the detainee of a lawyer for 8 hours, non -viewing within a month of a key to the case of a petition - about the seizure of videos from video surveillance cameras ... if it is assumed that the deputy minister of novels does not accidentally hold his high position and possesses Another logical assumption remains sufficient for this professional competence: there was simply no “study” of the materials of the case of Oyub Titiev at the level of the Investigative Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. And Romanov, it turns out, wrote a lie.

As a matter of fact, a lot of work was not required of the Investigative Department. It was only necessary to request (if not from their own subordinates-employees of the Kurchaloevsky Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, then at least the adjacent to the FSB) video recording from surveillance cameras. And then by the forces of the USB of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation to conduct an official audit on the fact of the disappearance of the recordings of the cameras of the Kurchaloevsky OMVD and transfer the materials for the criminal case against Chechen police on exhilaration in the Investigative Committee. And to Oyub Titiev, official apologies for unreasonable criminal prosecution.

The case of the deputy minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Romanov could be considered exceptional if it weren’t for the same behavior of the first deputy chairman of the Investigative Committee of Boris Karnaukhov.

From the response of General Karnaukhov:

“At present, there are no grounds for conducting an appropriate pre -investigation audit by the employees of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation ... <since> according to the information submitted by the Investigative Department of the Chechen Republic, reports of unlawful actions of law enforcement officials regarding Titiyev O.S. Not received. "

This is obvious cunning.

• On January 9, colleagues of Oyub Titiev announced the disappearance of the human rights activist: several hours were known about the fate of the missing at 9 am in 9 am. The Ministry of Internal Affairs of Chechnya hid the fact of the detention of Titiev, the lawyer was allowed to Titiev only at 8 o’clock in the evening.

• On January 10, the circumstances of the detection of drugs in the Titiev machine became public. That is why Fedotov turned to Bastrykin.

• On January 11, in the court, during the election of a preventive measure, Oyub Titiev spoke in detail about his detention and on January 12 filed a statement on the presence of signs of a grave crime in the actions of the Chechen police who threw drugs into his car and then inclined him to self -inspection. In the same statement, Oyub Titiev insists on the immediate seizure of videos from the video surveillance cameras of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Kurchaloevsky district.

And in this case, we have only two logical options. Either Karnaukhov lie in a Chechen pure, or hesitates by Karnaukhov himself.

On February 2, a small revolution occurred in Oyub Titiev. The deputy prosecutor of Chechnya Nikolai Khabarov issued a decision to withdraw the case file from the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Chechnya. With the following wording (punctuation and spelling - original):

“From the moment of the decision on the initiation of a criminal case and the detention of Titiev O.S. In various media, articles are published that report the unlawful actions of employees of the internal affairs bodies of <Chechnya> when conducting an audit of a crime. The named negatively affect the process of preliminary investigation and create a negative opinion of the public about the allegedly illegal criminal examination of Titiev O.S. In fact, numerous publications in the media with a pronounced unilateral negative assessment of the actions of law enforcement agencies of <Chechnya> are interference in the activities of the investigator and thereby have an impact on the official when various procedural decisions are made ...

In order to objective and comprehensive investigation ... it is necessary to ... transfer to the SUSK of Russia according to the Czech Republic. "

That is, already from February 2, the Investigative Committee of Russia, represented by the new head of the Chechen drying, General Volkov and the deputy chairman of the Investigative Committee of General Karnaukhov, was supervising this case, all powers for an “objective and comprehensive investigation”.

This is how it looks in practice (says the lawyer of Oyub Titiev Peter Zaikin ):

“The first thing the investigator was supposed to do when having received the case from the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Chechnya was finally considering the application for the seizure of videos from the surveillance cameras of the Kurchaloevsky Ministry of Internal Affairs. The petitions of this kind, due to its urgency and importance for the investigation, should generally be considered immediately, in extreme cases, by law within three days. Neither the investigator of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Salamov, nor the investigator of the Chechen Susk Khadukaev still (two months later) did this.

On February 15, the investigator of the Hudermmes MSO Ibrahimov was to make a procedural decision on the statement of Oyub Titiev in relation to Chechen police, whom he accused of tossing drugs.

I came to Gudermes MOSO on February 15, called the investigator Ibragimov on February 16 and February 19. All this time, investigator Ibragimov claimed that he did not have a verification material, and he could not make a decision on it. Literally said: "I simply did not have a physical opportunity!"

On February 19, I went to the Chechnya Investigation Department to find out where the material is located. Звоню заместителю начальника СУСКа генералу Соколову. Тот говорит, что навскидку вспомнить не может, дает телефон подчиненного Дудаева. Дудаев говорит, что без понятия, где материал. Опять звоню Соколову — отвечает: «Позвоните завтра утром». Во вторник 20 февраля звоню утром, как велели. Генерал Соколов торжественно сообщает: ни хрена нету.

В среду еду в управление сам. Прорываюсь в приемную начальника СУСКа генерала Волкова. Волкова нет, но в его приемной чудная девушка: уговорил ее взять регистрационные журналы и проверить по ним, где материал проверки. Материал по журналам она не нашла, отвела в 1-й отдел процессуального контроля. Перерыли там все — не нашли. Пошли во 2-й отдел процессуального контроля. И вот, наконец, я вижу этот самый материал проверки. Хиленький такой томик. Лежит себе на столе у совсем молодого инспектора, лет 25. И когда этот мальчик открыл последнюю страницу в этом томе, я увидел то самое постановление, которое следователь Ибрагимов не вынес, «потому что у него не было физической возможности». Спрашиваю мальчика — дай ознакомиться с постановлением. Мальчик отвечает: «Не положено. Вот я этот том сейчас изучу, передам начальству, он передаст его следователю, назначенному вести проверку, потом следователь с вами свяжется, скорее всего по российской почте, вы прибудете и ознакомитесь». Озверев, я ломанулся к начальнику этого мальчика. Спрашиваю: «Почему я, адвокат, как мячик для пинг-понга, бегаю в поисках постановления, которое вы должны были предоставить мне и моему заявителю еще неделю назад? Мне начальник отвечает: «Нет у нас никакого материала проверки!» “How not? - I ask. — Да вы, может быть, плохо видите?» «Даже если оно физически находится у нас, — отвечает, — то мы его еще не изучили. А если мы его еще не изучили, значит, его у нас нет».

Постановление мне выдали только 26 февраля и только после угрозы подать жалобу на имя Бастрыкина о неэтичном поведении всего состава чеченского СУСКа (за исключением девушек). Между прочим, сотрудники СУСКа сейчас проходит аттестацию на предмет соответствия службе в Следственном комитете Российской Федерации».

Надо ли после этого говорить, что постановление следователя по материалам проверки было абсолютно формальным и, более того, незаконным?

Вместо установления личностей сотрудников группы немедленного реагирования, остановивших машину Оюба Титиева в первый раз, вместо их опроса, вместо изъятия видеозаписей, вместо опроса коллег Титиева, вместо поиска очевидцев задержания (найти их достаточно легко по номерам машин, зафиксированным камерами дорожного наблюдения), вместо назначения экспертиз или хотя бы исследований на полиграфе сотрудников Курчалоевского ОМВД следователь Ибрагимов запросил материалы уголовного дела, возбужденного против правозащитника, изучил их и вынес по ним решение о виновности Оюба Титиева, не дожидаясь ни конца следствия, ни приговора суда.

Надо ли говорить о том, что уже 16 февраля это чудовищное по своей правовой безграмотности постановление было отменено, а доследственная проверка по заявлению Оюба Титиева продолжена?

Надо ли говорить о том, что ни Оюбу Титиеву, ни его адвокатам об этом ничего неизвестно, потому что отменили постановление втайне, и сделали это только по одной единственной причине: чтобы ни в коем случае не допустить адвокатов к материалам проверки и не дать им аргументированно обжаловать бездействие следствия в суде?

Годами именно такая тактика позволяла выводить из-под уголовного преследования сотрудников силовых структур, в первую очередь — чеченской полиции. И все эти годы именно Борис Карнаухов курировал чеченский СУСК.

17 января руководитель СПЧ, советник президента России Михаил Федотов направил в адрес Бастрыкина письмо-SOS. К письму было приложено заявление Оюба Титиева, в котором он написал, что физическим насилием и шантажом от него пытаются добиться «признательных показаний». В своем письме Федотов, по сути, умоляет Бастрыкина о помощи, а именно: он просит вывести уголовное дело Оюба или хотя бы доследственную проверку по заявлению Титиева из чеченского региона и передать их в центральный аппарат Следственного комитета России.

На это письмо опять отвечает генерал Карнаухов. «В настоящий момент оснований для проведения доследственной проверки в подразделениях центрального аппарата Следственного комитета России не имеется».