Every day Navalny

We have analyzed the materials we published and are telling how and whom the authorities persecuted, and which authorities participated in this.

Each circle in this picture shows a group of news stories about the persecution of Alexei Navalny's supporters during the presidential campaign and the election boycott. The news stories are grouped by the institution exerting pressure (the subject of persecution), by the persons or entities persecuted (the object of persecution), and by the type of pressure exerted (the method of persecution). The size of the circle corresponds to the number of news stories in the group. Hover over the circle to find out the number of news stories in the group and the percentage of this news story from the entire array of presented data. To get detailed information about the methods of pressure, click on the circle.

How were Navalny's supporters persecuted?

Detentions ( )

The most common type of stalking.

Navalny's supporters were detained at rallies, pickets, marches, and campaign clean-up days, including those officially approved by the authorities. Sometimes protesters were visited several days or even months after the events - for example, in Murmansk, seven protesters on January 28 were detained only on March 14. The police took activists away from their homes, schools, work, and courts where they had come to support their comrades - and Navalny himself was once detained on the threshold of a dental clinic. People who had no direct connection to the campaign were also detained: for example, in Kovrov , the director of a printing house that printed campaign leaflets was taken to the police station, and in Saratov , contractors who had set up a stage.

Read more about detentions at interregional protests below .

Fines ( )

Activists were fined mainly under articles on violation of the procedure for holding a public event and disobedience to the police. Thus, during the first month after the action on March 26, Moscow courts alone issued decisions on fines in the amount of approximately 2,960,500 rubles, and in Nizhny Novgorod, participants were fined more than 400 thousand rubles. However, decisions on fines for Navalny's supporters were issued not only for actions, but also, for example, for videos , photos with deputy Milonov and painting a facade .

Mismatch ( )

City authorities regularly refused to approve the campaign participants’ actions: the chosen locations were occupied, the squares were unexpectedly closed for repairs, and the goals of the events were recognized as unconstitutional. Alternative options offered by the mayor’s office could not always satisfy the organizers — for example, in Nizhny Tagil, activists were allowed to set up an agitation cube 90 kilometers from the city, and in Kazan, the rally on June 12 was only approved for 7 a.m. Sometimes, the authorities rejected notifications en masse: for example, in Saratov, 2,018 applications for rallies in different places were refused approval , and in St. Petersburg, 700 applications were rejected .

Drawing up a protocol ( )

Most often, activists were charged with disobeying the police (Article 19.3 of the Code of Administrative Offenses) and violating the procedure for holding events (Article 20.2 of the Code of Administrative Offenses). During the campaign period, cases were opened against Navalny's supporters under Article 5.12 of the Code of Administrative Offenses (distribution of campaign materials in violation of the law). There were also reports under other articles: for example, activists in St. Petersburg were charged with abuse of power because of raincoats with the inscription "Navalny" that looked like police uniforms. Sometimes the cases were not related to the events or were not formally connected with the politician's campaign: for example, in Adygea, a volunteer for Navalny's headquarters was accused of displaying a swastika because of an anti-war post with a picture.

Administrative arrests ( )

Courts arrested supporters of the politician en masse after major protests: for example, after the rally on March 26 in Moscow, 64 people ended up in special detention centers. Activists were given administrative arrests from one day to 30, but sometimes they were in custody for much longer: in St. Petersburg, the headquarters coordinator was detained immediately after leaving the special detention center, where he spent 30 days, and arrested for another 25. Courts actively issued decisions on arrests shortly before the elections - for example, in the Leningrad Region, the monitoring coordinator was arrested two days before them.

Seizure of campaign materials ( )

Throughout the campaign, police officers regularly visited regional headquarters to collect leaflets. Press walls and banners were also confiscated — for example, because of a “chemical smell” or to check for extremism . Sometimes, police officers acted preemptively and confiscated campaign materials before they even reached headquarters — in Vladimir and Kovrov , leaflets were confiscated from printing houses. In some cases, the police considered T-shirts with campaign symbols to be campaign materials and confiscated them directly from activists.

Searches ( )

The police came with searches both to the politician's headquarters and to the activists' homes. This often happened before large actions: on the eve of the "campaign clean-up day" on July 8, the police came to several regional headquarters at once, and before the rally on June 12, searches were conducted in the apartments of the activists who participated in its organization.

The court's decision was upheld ( )

Second-instance courts rejected appeals against decisions on fines , arrests , and compulsory work , and upheld sentences in criminal cases, such as the "March 26 Case." Moscow and St. Petersburg courts occasionally considered appeals in "conveyor mode": after the June 12 protest in St. Petersburg, 45 appeals were rejected in one day, and after the March 26 rally in Moscow , 23 appeals.

Police visit ( )

The police came to Navalny's supporters at home, at work, at school, at their parents' apartments, at regional headquarters - with searches, "conversations", to draw up reports or simply "for prevention" . Before large-scale actions, they came to their applicants - for example, in Tula, the police came to the organizer of a meeting with Navalny, and in St. Petersburg, the prosecutor's office visited the applicant of the "Voters' Strike".

Attacks ( )

During the campaign, both Alexei Navalny's supporters and himself were attacked. In March 2017, the politician was doused with green paint mixed with a caustic substance - as a result, Navalny was diagnosed with a chemical burn of the eye. In Stavropol, unknown people hit the organizer of the picket on the head on March 26, and in Vladivostok, a participant in the action on June 12 was attacked by Cossacks. The politician's headquarters were also attacked: the Ufa headquarters was pelted with eggs, windows were broken in Kirov, and the headquarters in Krasnodar was attacked several times by members of the "Putin Squads".

Pressure at school and work ( )

Students in different cities were threatened with expulsion and problems with their studies because of their participation in protests in support of Navalny or against corruption. For example, in Rostov-on-Don, college students were forced to sign a paper under threat of expulsion stating that they would not attend the rally, and in the Saratov Region, a school principal threatened a student with problems with the FSB. Pressure was also put on the parents of students: in Tula, class teachers called them and threatened to use “repressive measures” against their children. Navalny supporters also had problems at work: for example, employees of the Yekaterinburg experimental design bureau were reprimanded after the rally.

Threats ( )

The activists received threats from both unknown individuals and police officers: in St. Petersburg, police threatened to plant cartridges from firearms on a volunteer at the headquarters, and those arrested after the March 26 protest in Moscow were threatened with “poisoning their existence,” demanding that they “confess to everything.” Pressure was also put on the politician’s headquarters themselves: in Moscow, the headquarters was covered with sheets of paper with threats, and in Nizhny Novgorod, unknown individuals filled the door of the premises with foam and threatened its owner.

The refusal to approve was recognized as legal ( )

After city administrations refused to approve the actions, their applicants went to court - but in most cases they were also refused. The organizers' complaints were rejected in Tver , Vladivostok , Nizhny Novgorod and other cities. And in Kazan, the court found the refusal to approve 18 notifications about meetings with Navalny to be legal .

Interrogations ( )

In most cases, the politician's supporters were called in for questioning in connection with a criminal case opened after the March 26 protest, and teenagers in Moscow were even questioned twice. Sometimes the questioning was not formally related to Navalny's campaign: for example, a volunteer at the headquarters in Voronezh was questioned in February 2018 in connection with a criminal case related to the arson of cars. In reality, according to the activist, he was questioned about the protest, the headquarters staff, and other volunteers. He was also called in for questioning because of a photo on VKontakte and a fundraiser for Navalny's campaign.

Compulsory work ( )

Community service was assigned mainly for participation in protest actions: for example, after the "Voters' Strike" on January 28, community service of 20 to 120 hours was awarded to at least seven activists in different cities. And in Kostroma, a participant in an anti-corruption walk on March 26 was assigned 20 hours of community service for an unpaid fine.

Call to the police ( )

Activists were summoned to the police to draw up reports, give testimony as witnesses, or just to "talk." There were other reasons, too: for example, participants in the March 26 protest in Moscow were invited to the police station to have their fingerprints taken and photographs taken. And once, police officers came to the air of the "Cactus" program to summon the former head of the Moscow headquarters, Nikolai Lyaskin, to the station.

"Conversations" with the authorities ( )

In most cases, the police held "conversations" with activists before and after major protests - for example, in Khanty-Mansiysk , police officers together with the rector and vice-rector of the university spent three hours dissuading a student from holding a picket on June 12, and a participant in a rally on March 26 in Krasnoyarsk received a call from the police asking how he felt about corruption. Sometimes they invited people to talk with threats: in Udmurtia, the deputy head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs promised to "burden" an activist with fines if he did not come to his office. Preventive talks were held with activists who were detained and released without reports being drawn up: it is assumed that in this case, the police explained to the "offenders" the consequences of their actions.

Initiation of criminal cases ( )

The most high-profile criminal cases were related to the protests of March 26 and June 12. After them, several people were accused of using violence against government officials — one of the convicted came to the rally simply because his daughter decided to take part in the protest. But cases against Navalny's supporters were not only brought after the protests — for example, the coordinator of the headquarters in Volgograd was accused of rehabilitating Nazism because of a collage in which the face of the Motherland memorial was painted green.

Extension of arrest ( )

Mostly, the courts extended the arrest of the participants of the March 26 protests, accused of using violence against government officials. Once, the court extended the arrest period in an administrative case - this was due to the fact that the arrested human rights activist Dinar Idrisov spent two days in the hospital.

Refusal to file a claim/initiate a case ( )

Cases based on statements by Navalny's supporters were not opened as willingly as cases against the people themselves. For example, in the Leningrad Region, the police did not open a case after volunteers at the headquarters were attacked with a shovel: allegedly, it was "not possible" to establish the identity of the attackers. They also did not open cases against police officers in Petrozavodsk and Samara who beat up activists and journalists. And the courts repeatedly refused to consider Navalny's own lawsuits: against Roskomnadzor , the Ministry of Justice , as well as a complaint against the election law.

Dismissal/Expulsion ( )

In some cases, the politician's supporters were fired from their jobs or expelled from educational institutions after protests or because of their participation in the campaign. For example, in Krasnodar, a military man was fired from service for participating in the "Voters' Strike," and in Yeysk, a high school teacher lost his job after attending an anti-corruption rally. In Chita , the coordinator of Navalny's headquarters was expelled from the university, and in Kaliningrad , the applicant for the anti-corruption rally on June 12 was expelled for "disrespect for the law and the court."

Pre-trial detention center ( )

The courts sent several defendants in the "March 26 Case" and one defendant in the "June 12 Case" to pretrial detention. A participant in the "Voters' Strike" action in Moscow, suspected of using violence against police officers, was also taken into custody .

Real term ( )

During the campaign, nine Navalny supporters were sentenced to imprisonment. In the "March 26 Case," seven people received real terms from eight months to three years and eight months, and one of the participants in the June 12 rally was sentenced to 2.5 years in prison. A volunteer from the headquarters in Cheboksary received a real term in a case unrelated to the protests: he was sentenced to two years and three months in a penal colony for a post on a social network.

Travel ban ( )

The courts chose a written undertaking not to leave as a preventive measure for some of the defendants in the cases of March 26 and June 12. The same preventive measure was applied to Alexei Navalny and Pyotr Ofitserov in the "Kirovles Case", prohibiting them from leaving Kirov. The coordinator of the Volgograd headquarters, accused of rehabilitating Nazism, was also initially forced to sign a written undertaking not to leave , but was then placed under house arrest. A month later, the activist was again released on his own recognizance.

They didn't let me into the premises/to the event ( )

Activists were not allowed into the premises they rented: for example, in Nizhny Novgorod, the owner did not let Navalny into the premises rented for a meeting with volunteers, and in Yeysk, the politician's supporters were not allowed into the headquarters during its opening. Participants were also sometimes not allowed into the places where the actions were taking place - the Nizhny Novgorod mayor's office, for example, closed the square where the meeting with Navalny was supposed to take place.

Renting out ( )

In some cities, the owners of premises rented by Navalny's headquarters terminated the contracts early and evicted the politician's supporters. In Mytishchi, the owner put a second lock on the doors of the headquarters, and in Moscow , due to an unexpected decision to terminate the contract, the congress of the "Party of Progress" was disrupted. Activists believe that the authorities are putting pressure on the owners: the head of the headquarters in Kemerovo said that officials threatened the owners of the building.

Suspended sentence ( )

During Navalny's campaign, courts sentenced three participants in the March 26 and June 12 protests to suspended sentences. Activists in Moscow , Petrozavodsk , andVolgograd received suspended sentences of one to one and a half years. Navalny himself and Pyotr Ofitserov were sentenced to five and four years suspended sentences in the Kirovles case, respectively.

Other ( )

The authorities did not limit themselves to standard methods of pressure: in Blagoveshchensk, activists were asked to write explanatory notes about explanatory notes, in St. Petersburg, gas was released in the department where those detained after the action were held, and in Irkutsk, the court ruled to demolish the bathroom of Navalny's headquarters. Banks blocked accounts, unknown people on behalf of the politician pasted up fake leaflets with a proposal to hold a gay parade , Cossacks who spoke at the headquarters were excommunicated from the church, and life-size puppets once came to the Krasnodar headquarters.

All-Russian actions

Probably the greatest public attention to the persecution is connected with the large all-Russian actions that Navalny's headquarters organized. It makes sense to talk about them separately.

Anti-corruption actions on March 26, 2017

On this day, large-scale protests took place in 97 cities across Russia . More than 1,500 people were detained, including 1,043 in Moscow , where the detentions were carried out in a rude manner , with the use of special means and physical violence. Most of the detainees were accused of various administrative offenses. More than 700 administrative cases were received by the Tverskoy Court, 64 people were sentenced to administrative arrests for a term of 2 to 25 days. The police also detained and delivered about 70 minors to the departments.

In all regions of Russia where the protests took place, a massive wave of pressure on the participants began. Nine people in three cities became defendants in criminal cases. They were accused of using violence against government officials. Nine people have already received sentences ranging from one year probation to three years and eight months in a general regime penal colony.

Anti-corruption actions on June 12, 2017

Actions were held in 154 cities of Russia. Unlawful detentions and beatings of participants by police officers were recorded at the actions. In 31 cities , 1,769 people were detained.

In 46 police departments , employees committed at least 109 serious violations of the law.

On the four participants of the shares on June 12 , in Moscow and St. Petersburg , cases of violence for police officers were brought up .

One member of the rally in Moscow was sentenced to two and a half years in a general regime colony.

In St. Petersburg, a chess player who, according to investigators, hit the Rosguard fighter in the back, was sentenced to a fine of 100 thousand rubles.

In Ufa, for a rally on a rally on June 12, against activist Rustem Mulukov, a criminal case was opened for public calls for extremism.

July 8, 2017 campaigning subbotnik

During the vacations , Alexei Navalny held another all -Russian action, another format . GOM checking their bicycles at the base base.

Rallies "For Navalny" on October 7, 2017

After the Simonovsky court of Moscow arrested a policy for 20 days and thereby stopped it in the autumn tour of the country, rallies were organized in a number of cities of Russia with a demand to allow Navalny to the election, some were detained in Moscow, before the end of the campaign in Moscow, where the action was not consistent . In order to attract excessive attention to the shares, it was decided not to arrange mass detentions.

Presidential nomination on December 24, 2017

On December 24, meetings of the Presidential Presidential initiative groups were held, contrary to fears, they took place almost without detention .

Broke of voters on January 28, 2018

On January 28, 371 people were detained at the events of the “Stuffing of Voters” campaign in different cities, where the inconsistent action took place on Pushkinskaya Square, and the teenagers again, as on March 26, climbed onto the lanterns, were detained by the next episode to be an illustration of a conscious change in power: on January 28 to the hot-term participant in the Avid- Interior Member of the Promotion. From Ufa, he said that the police were going to draw up a protocol on an administrative violation on him, but having learned that the detainee was going to inform the OVD-Info , abandoned his intention.

However, the persecution of supporters of the boycott beyond the scope of the action was regular and systematic.

Separate surges of the persecution of Navalny’s supporters can be traced during his “autumn tour”, when the politician traveled around the country and held meetings with voters.

The scale of the persecution

OVD-Info does not own complete information about the pressure on the supporters of Navalny, but we can judge the scale of the persecution of the messages that we received on our hotline and through other means of communication, which we always have at hand, are the news of the OTD-Info , and here we can safely say that only 41 days in the last year did without news about the persecution of campaigning for the navigation of Navalny or the strike of voters.

The second obvious indicator is a geographical coverage.

On the interactive calendar associated with the map and presented below, we depicted the campaign through the prism of the OWD-info .

The calendar data show the intensity of the pursuit on every day of the presidential campaign.

The last line of the calendar shows Monday heat card.

The card is projected on the persecution of the supporters of Alexei Navalny In order to get more detailed information about the subjects, objects and methods of the pursuit of this region.

Statistics of the headquarters of Navalny

The scale of the persecution is also confirmed by the statistics collected by the Federal Headquarters of Navalny. According to the estimates provided by the OTS-Info federal headquarters, the participants in the Navalny campaign from the regional headquarters paid fines in the amount of 17,547,758 rubles, held a total of about seven and a half years in special receivers and, in addition, received so many hours of compulsory work that this would be more than one and a half years of free work without a year without a year of free work without a year of free work without a year of free work without a year of free work. Starts for one person.

This map projects the Federal Staff of the team of Alexei Navalny on the regional headquarters. from the total amount in all regions.

The relationship of subjects, objects and methods of persecution

In order to understand what institutions were involved in the persecution of various groups and trace the relationship between them, we presented all the data in the form of this diagram.

With the help of this diagram, you can evaluate the relationship between the institutions of the persecuted groups and methods of pursuit.

Data

The visualization presented above is the data obtained from publications on the OTD-Info website.

The subject means that authority that, at least legally, makes a decision on pressure.

The objects who were persecuted (for example, volunteers, participants in the action, coordinators of the ITD). using previous special projects of the OTD-info and the data provided to us by the headquarters of Navalny.

You can download the initial data here .