
For the first time, the technical candidate (Konovalov) won the first tour of the owner (Zimin, the representative of the EP, who ruled here for 10 years) with such a huge margin. For the first time in many years, the campaign has become competitive, and the television department became real. For the first time, the current governor withdrew from the elections at the insistence of Moscow. For the first time after him, other candidates were sequentially withdrawn. And only one statist suddenly refused to play like. In response to a protest vote, the authorities found, as it seemed to her, an adequate answer to the naked negativity in the minds of the voter: when there is simply no one from it when there is physically there is an object that you can vote against. And in the end, the people were given not the usual genre performance - the struggle and unity of the toad against the viper, and the vote of the referendum type. But this is not the resurrection of Soviet experience (and some regional experience of the first half of the 90s in Chechnya, Ingushetia, Tatarstan, Kurgan), since the only proposed candidate did not act from the party and government.
That Konovalov, except for the partner who did not lead, was not ready to manage the region, was shown with obviously, at the same time the president sent “for a month” of the acting head - Mikhail Razozhaev, and he stated that he would be ready to stay in the republic and take part in the new elections (which would be appointed in February, if Konovalov “drove”). Nevertheless, they did not ride; It was not possible to stop the protest. In reality, having sent Razvozhaev, the president played Konovalov - he helped the Khakass voter get out of the situation of uncertainty to the usual story: after all, if Konovalov is a hero, then there should be at least the appearance of a struggle, there should be an antagonist, and much more resourceful to the hero, otherwise there is nowhere to show heroism. And the voter’s love cannot be won.
Apparently, in domestic politics there is no single decision-making center, there is no Kremlin, but there are towers, and they blow in different puffs. The idea of pulling the elections and constant transfer was also unsuccessful, only negativity was fueled. It came to grabbing for weapons on mass shares and arson of the house of the mother -in -law Oleg Ivanov, the head of the Committee on the Budget and Tax Policy of the Supreme Council of Khakassia (experts in arson doubted, but who would listen to them in such an environment?).
The elections from one intensified the split in society: in order to vote against Konovalov on a cold winter day (here is already winter), 41.2% of voters (from voting) left the house.
It’s one thing to go to the polls when you know for whom, and it’s quite another to raise yourself in order to just say no one candidate.
If 58% for Konovalov is a large protest against the current government, then this 41% are votes in many respects against everything. But there is also that gloomy majority that is still silent.
Why did the wedge come down to Khakassia? Little where it is as clearly as in Khakassia, it can be seen: the state redistributes everything that remains from Russia, in favor of the property minority. Here are the most powerful industry and energy, gigantic resources, while the republic is subsidiary, for the first time in Russian practice, external financial administration has already been introduced. Pension reform, the dismantling of the social state only accelerate the development of the same textbook class conflict - the property and the poor.

The elections helped to stir up and wake up historical layers. Konovalov spoke against the backdrop of a bust of Stalin. And in Abakan on the street, I accidentally heard how, for no reason, the guy had soared for 25 years:
“And what about Stalin? Every year, by his birthday, he reduced prices for everything, every year for his day. For the whole country! And so 30 years! "
In Bograd, they told me that the 1905 revolution began from here, with the Julia mining, communist Bograd. And - “The whole country is looking at us now”, this is generally a leitmotif.
About Stalin there is nothing to comment on, and about the 1905th-nonsense, on the Julia mine in 1918, with the help of local, white Bograd grabbed (and then shot in Krasnoyarsk). And later, Khakassia remained the last focus of resistance to the Bolsheviks. In the Shirinsky district, in the solenozer, there is a commemorative stone and a high cross to the chieftain Ivan Solovyov Solovyev: they fought with the Bolshevik units of special purpose (at one time they were commanded by Arkady Gaidar, recalled for atrocities over the civilian population) until 1924, when the civil war had long ended. Solovyov was supported by the locals: they did not give a salary for a year, and they refused to carry red propaganda to the masses for a year.
And now the Shirinsky district for the communist Konovalov gave votes the most - 69.3%.
Khakassia has never been in a red belt, here it was always the anti -communist sentiments that were historically strong. In the neighboring (through Yenisei) Shushensky, in August 1991, the party district committee dispersed the faster than anyone, occupied all the offices, and two years ago the adjacent buildings of the district administration and the district center almost burned, connected the guard.
Krasnot Khakassia today is entirely the merit of the current regime. People are ready to vote in harm to themselves, contrary to reason, the main thing is against the authorities.
This choice should certainly be respected, and Konovalov should help, but something tells: this is not the end of history. Konovalov is unlikely to be allowed to work, and the region, most likely, is waiting for default.
Last summer, America watched live as a raccoon climbs along a steep wall onto the roof of a skyscraper in the St. Polish. The animal was scared by rescuers, and now it climbed, and the Americans were brewing his account and a hashtag on Twitter, the television channels organized an online broadcast of the ascent. It lasted a day. The same rescuers were waiting on the roof of the raccoon. With cat food.
I’m not talking about a particular Konovalov, but in general about the meaningfulness of the exploits of the Communists. They act in full view of all spoilers in favor of United Russia or select the falling power behind them, collect a protest electorate - for what? Are they going to become the links of the power vertical? But what about their left beliefs, not interesting to anyone in this vertical? Konovalov cannot but understand what awaits him after climbing (running around the ministries in Moscow, where they simply will not accept him). Some kind of dubious careerism: the local people choose governors to protect their interests, but the governor in the Siberian region is always (and now it is especially pronounced) a colonial look from the metropolis.
However, the elections that have taken place are not about the Communists at all, not about Konovalov, but about the people, changes in it. And about the broken political technologies and the instruments of power. No matter what she came up with now, if the people sees slack, he will give up. In all September elections, where the governors did not win immediately, they finally drowned them in the next round. Even if voting for their same spoilers. Even if they do not represent anything. Even if, it seems, under such a vote, no rational arguments and meanings are not failed at all. Now it doesn't matter. The main thing is to crush power. Shake off from her - like dogs from dirt - with the whole body. There is, they say, such a feeling. Everywhere on the second round - to crush - the people came to the people than the first, and in Khakassia, the turnout now amounted to almost 44% versus 41.8 in the first.
The people no longer vote for stability, but for changes. The request is no longer on greatness, but to justice.
And so far she is only in this - to pay off the previous one, about the future - then. And this is at the very time when the Russian authorities undertook to talk about the transit of itself with the end of the constitutional term of Putin's powers.
"Siberian coat?" -asked (recently in Istanbul) in Russian Merkel, turning to Putin. He laughed: "Probably." In Russian culture (from Pushkin), the hare sheepskin coat denotes justice: what are you, then to you. It is important not the “coat” itself (it immediately on the shoulders of Pugachev was dispersed at the seams), and Grinev’s mental impulse. Who then saved him from death. Elections in Khakassia are the same sheepskin coat for the Kremlin, the same impulse outside rational calculations. This is the most accurate knowledge of what is happening in the souls in distant Siberia.