
The mental attack of the authorities on the fragmented groups of protesters, the theater in state media - either stupid, then cruel - explainable. There are a lot of theater, because there are many staged events - for example, those called “contests”, “bidding” or “elections”.
To carry out “elections”, you have to carry out all the work in advance - with everyone to agree, rewrite laws again, arrange the right people, give instructions to the statists. There is a lot of black work, but if everything is done correctly, then on a single voting day it remains only to command: “Motor!” If all regional productions were made well, then the crown of the entire pyramid - the federal - will easily be closed in the end to the agreed figure, and all the participants will breathe calmly until the next show.
The directors have a lot of experience, but the results are getting worse. The malfunctions began last year in several regional elections (however, mainly far from the capitals). This year, under the threat of the capital themselves. The St. Petersburg production begins to resemble a farce, and the Moscow - on the tragedy: with the theatrically exaggerated use of force and personal threats to the opposition distributed to federal television channels ( letter of anonymous security forces ). The authorities behave as if the barbarians have already broken the city gates and march along the streets of Moscow.
I will assume that the reason is that time goes and age is suitable, and there is no more confidence in tomorrow. Those in whose hands the authorities and property are concentrated (or “power-ownership”) can no longer drive away the unpleasant idea of the transfer of the inheritance. People who have gained and earned status and condition in post -Soviet Russia, already strongly over 50, and many and under 70.
They can call themselves as guardians of traditions as much as they like, but they themselves know very well that they are not able to save anything. Everything is actually new, calendars and laws are rewritten only yesterday, and the paint has not yet dried up on the scenery that they arranged.
Even for the transfer of their own power-performance, our “senators”-the elders-did not develop clear rules and procedures. They could create something like a tradition, moreover, they themselves, but they did not. At heart, they cannot but be aware that the change of generations can go not according to a soft scenario, but by hard and without ceremonies.
Journalistic investigations unexpectedly became a sign of time - and this is related to our topic. In terms of intensity and eating of reporting work, today's journalistic projects left the standards of the 1990s far behind. It is increasingly difficult to talk about the media crisis in Russia - there is a surge in activity. Here from the very recent: we learned about real estate of the closest close associates of the Moscow mayor-Vice-mayor Peter Biryukov and his relatives ( investigation by Ivan Golunov ), the first vice-mayor Natalia Sergunina and her relatives ( investigation of the FBK Alexei Navalny ), about hotels and office buildings owned by the prominent deputy of the Moscow City Duma ( also FBK ); About how the rector of Moscow State University takes care of Putin’s youngest daughter ( “Project” ), about how the business of the eldest daughter ( BBC ) is arranged, about what Igor Sichin ( “Base” ) builds on his site near Moscow. And before, we learned about the children of the Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika, children of the press secretary of President Dmitry Peskov.
These stories are not only about business, Russian and foreign real estate officials. Almost every story has fathers and children. As soon as the next publication appears, we begin to understand the device of relations a little better not only between cartridges and clients, but also between fathers in power and their children-natives. Sometimes more well-known surnames, sometimes less famous, but even seeing this peak of the iceberg, we can conclude that this transfer of power-performance would like to provide its current owners. Since they did not fix their “aristocracy” and did not build legal guarantees for the “generation of successors”, such a love of generations is possible only on personal agreements. And in order for personal agreements to be preserved, a person who is in power should remain in power - and preferably forever.
But the generation, which has already matured and reaches maturity before our eyes, is not exhausted by people with famous surnames. The Russian generation, approximately corresponding to the Western generation of Millennium, consists of people born from the second half of the 1970s to the end of the 1980s, when the decline in the birth rate associated with the crisis and collapse of the USSR began. Today these are active 30-year-old and early 40-year-olds-people who feel ready to change their fathers who have been sitting in power-performance. The competition within this generation will inevitably be high, but it itself historically inevitably ultimately will ultimately replace those people who are in power who are from 50 to 70 years old.
You can not worry about the theories of the conspiracy about which oligarchs or which tower is Alexei Navalny. He is not the only one, of course. He is one of the key representatives of the generation of alternative successors, and most of his employees and followers are younger than him. Politicians, the third sector, activists - of course, only a small part of the generation. People who are gradually going to the first roles in Russian business and the state, in fact, are the real successors of Putin. By the way, a new wave in journalism is also a manifestation of a change in generations. This new, active generation does not want to leave the country, it stands on the approaches to power and will not go anywhere. Political management would like to change generations “from above”, which for the first time in the memory of living would create a layer of hereditary nomenclature in Russia. But the generation can also be changed "from below."
The next announcement of the Kremlin “Maidan”, the search for Western influences, personal threats to opponents are an attempt to fight over time. This is one of the signs that the issue of transferring power-performance has not been resolved. Of course, in the greenhouses of Sergei Kiriyenko, who is working on the change of generations “from above”, deputies are grown, ready to stamp everything they say, and governors who are ready to serve the center. There are many 30-year-olds in government agencies. But I would not count on these nominees too much in the place of Russian political managers. They are brought up in loyalty, but they see the size of states, lifestyle and moral appearance of the generation of “fathers”. They are a much greater threat to “fathers” than activists on the streets: after all, millennials-insiders are well aware that the “fathers” have not created legal institutions and ownership guarantees, which means that much of the won, stolen and earned in post-Soviet Russia is highly likely to be redone again.
The transfer of power, which is customary to attribute to some point in the future-for example, by 2024-in fact is already going on. This should be from the very device of the Russian political system with its inability to separate power from property. Contricments in the “election” are the first cracks in the pyramid, which may prevent her from closing her to a common agreed figure.
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