Napoleon of the Caucasus

Why did he fight and what heritage did Imam Shamil left?

• Imam Shamil became the legend of the Caucasus during his lifetime, but what he did in reality was cooler than any legend.
• Shamil led the resistance of the powerful Russian Empire, created his own theocratic empire, united the enlightenment of the peoples of the Caucasus.
• Having captivated Shamil, the Russian Empire gave him unprecedented honors.
• The attitude in Russia to this figure was constantly changing: historians either built him to the rank of a hero, then overthrew as a traitor. Disputes are still underway.
  Alexey Yudin: Imam Shamil - Napoleon of the Caucasus, the leader of the legendary resistance of the Russian Empire during the Caucasian War and a man who has become a legend during his lifetime. Its brief story in the small plot of our colleague Irina Martin .

Irina Martin: Who was not called Imam Shamil in the past century! He managed to become a "leader of the national liberation movement", "communist", "protege of Turkey" and even the "English spy". His image was speculatively used during the Second World War as agitators of fascist Germany and Soviet propaganda, in order to attract the peoples of Chechnya and Dagestan to their side.

Shamil was born in the Dagestan village of Gimra at the end of the 18th century. At birth, Ali was named in honor of his grandfather. But the boy was sick and was very weak, and then, according to mountain beliefs, his parents changed his name - to Shamil. He received a good Muslim education, knew Arabic literature very well.

Subsequently, Shamil became interested in the sermons of Kazi-mullah (Gazi-Mohammed), the first preacher of Gazavat,-a sacred war against the Russians and the first imam. Shamil first became his student, and then a friend and an ardent supporter.

Shamil became the third imam and for 25 years dominated the mountaineers of Dagestan and Chechnya, successfully struggling against the numerous Russian imperial army. He possessed military talent, great organizational abilities, endurance, perseverance and the ability to choose time for impact.

The Imamat created by him, in the difficult conditions of the life of the Caucasus in those days, became a unique education, a kind of state in the state, which he preferred one -man to rule, regardless of what means this management was supported.

In August 1859, Imam Shamil was captivated by Russian troops in the Dagestan aul Gunib, and this laid the end of the twenty -five -year -old Caucasian war and the beginning of numerous genders. He was taken to St. Petersburg, where after a meeting with Emperor Alexander II Shamil, a residence was provided in Kaluga. In August 1866, Shamil, along with his sons, brought an oath of fidelity to Russia.

Who just did not call Imam Shamil in the past century!

In 1870, Alexander II allowed him to leave for Mecca, where he died a year later and was buried in the city of Medin's sacred for Muslims.

Alexey Yudin: Guests in our studio: senior researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences Patimat Takhnaeva and Vadim Mukhanov , senior researcher at MGIMO . Let's talk about what the situation in the North Caucasus was at that time, at the beginning of the 19th century.

Vadim Mukhanov: There were several options for dating the Caucasian war. The term itself is quite ambiguous. Someone talks about a series of Caucasian wars, uniting this with a series of wars with two neighboring empires that created a geopolitical triangle in the struggle for the Caucasus. This is the Russian Empire, the Northern Empire, which came later and in chronology it should be called the third, and the first two empires that have been fighting for the Caucasus and the Persian Empire and the Persian empire for centuries. When they began to weaken during several wars, another empire came from the north, which declared its rights to the Caucasus, and for two centuries, the XVIII and XIX, set its flag in the Caucasus: this is the Russian Empire.

Alexey Yudin: That is, the lower border still slides in the XVIII century?

Vadim Mukhanov: We can recall the actions of the first Russian emperor Peter when he went to the Caucasus, his Caspian campaign. You can recall the movement in the era of the great Empress Catherine II, the first agreement with the Transcaucasian state, namely the St. George treatise between the Russian Empire and Cartli Kathetia, Irakli II: this is 1783. This is the era of the beginning of the activation of Russian politics in the Caucasus, but also the era of the first extraordinary personalities that appeared there: for example, Sheikh Mansur, who forced himself to recall in the last quarter of the 17th century. In the North Caucasus at the beginning of the 19th century, that is, other bright people appeared before Imam Shamil.

Alexey Yudin: The term "war" for Gazi-Muhammad, the teacher of our hero, and for Shamil himself had a certain religious and cultural format. What was his teacher Gazi-Muhammad taught?

Patimat Takhnaeva: The North-Eastern Caucasus, in particular, Dagestan was not a single political space, but a society torn by internecine straightforwardness, it was divided into some unions that were influenced by Persia and Turkey, at the same time vassal agreements with Russia, thought only about their interests. All three players played on these interests. In 1828, both Persia and Türkiye stopped their contracts, these two players completely officially left the site. Nicholas I wrote: "Now we can take up the development of the mountains."

In 1829, Imam Gazi-Muhammad entered the political platform. The Russian Caucasian command did not quite understand what it had encountered. From 1813 to 1829, wars took place inside Dagestan, the so-called anti-Russian Khan Union, when the Dagestan rulers came out of the vassal dependence of Russia and, incentive, supported by Persia and Turkey, waged war.

This union was pacified by the famous General Ermolov. He was a supporter of tough decisive measures. By 1829, some Dagestan owners reconciled, someone died in battle, someone was removed from power. And by 1829, when it seemed that everything was already behind, Russia could calmly breathe, the imam of the Gazi-Muhamad appeared and announced the jihad.

Alexey Yudin: What is it in the understanding of the spiritual and political leader of that time?

Patimat Takhnaeva: In Dagestan there was mainly adatal management, Islam occupied more a ritual and ritual side: in family-marine relations, partly legal, but judicial law was adherent. Himras traditionally engaged in the sale of wine, it was very popular, all sorts of fights, disgrace arose. The mosque raised the question that it was necessary to come up with new rules. Gazi-Muhhamad stood up and said: "There is no need to do anything, the Prophet has already done this for us. We must return to the basics of Shariah law. Sharia and only Sharia." This is the struggle for the purity of Islam. Since Imam Gazi-Muhammad was very educated, he devoted many years to the study of Islamic sciences, Islamic law, he very harshly led the surrounding villages to Islamic law, to Sharia. He had supporters, thanks to which it was possible to establish themselves in these societies. From 1826 to 1829, he tried more sermons, exhortations and letters that he wrote to the Dagestan rulers to convince them that we must move away from the advent of law and introduce Sharia.

Alexey Yudin: What was the attitude of all these transformations with the concept of a sacred war?

Patimat Takhnaeva

Patimat Takhnaeva: "Jihad" translated from Arabic is "zeal to Allah." Gazavat is an armed path. Imam Gazi-Muhammad declared Gazavat because Sharia was very cruel, there was a very short conversation: stick blows, punishment. People did not want to abandon the usual lifestyle. Imam Gazi-Muhammad fought very hard with this. At the same time, he understood that this was an encroachment not only for legal and legal, but also for political space. He denied the power of Dagestan rulers, set himself higher.

Alexey Yudin: But what was the object of the Holy War, Gazavat: against whom are we fighting?

Patimat Takhnaev: First of all, this is an inner war, it all started with it. Imam Gazi-Muhammad declared the apostates of everyone who did not follow Sharia, everyone who talked with the Russians. In 1830, in one of the appeals, he will say: "Our sabers, your neck." Of course, there were theologians who objected to him.

Alexey Yudin: That is, there was not only a political, but also a religious opposition? The war went on the meanings.

Patimat Takhnaeva: Naturally: an ideological war.

Alexey Yudin: And from the very beginning it was clear why the war was going on?

A hard line was set - it is necessary to say Sharia. Who is not in Sharia, they do not deserve to live

Patimat Takhnaeva: In order to establish true Islam. This is the meaning of the life of a Muslim, otherwise it is meaningless. A hard line was set - it is necessary to say Sharia. Who is not in Sharia, they do not deserve to live.

Alexey Yudin: On this side - openly declared religious goals, and from the Northern Empire? Was there a religious motive for conquering the North Caucasus at that time at that time?

Vadim Mukhanov: Here we are talking about two very important points. The first is that by the end of the 1820s the empire received international recognition of the Caucasus as its territory. In the first quarter of the 19th century, Russia held a series of successful wars for the possession of the Black Sea coast, the Caucasus. As a result, Europe, the Ottoman Empire and Persia recognized Russia's priority over this territory. Here the second problem arose - contacts with this region, with faiths, with the aspects of the population. The North Caucasus and Transcaucasia were a large patchwork blanket with different rules of the game. Someone went to Istanbul, someone to Tehran, someone-first to Astrakhan, and then negotiate through Astrakhan to Petersburg. This region was distant, there was no high level of communications, and the decisions were made for a long time, so attention was not quickly paid to certain problems. Of course, those realities that Russian officers and generals of the Ermolov period found in the Caucasus differed from the realities that were ten years later when they announced Gazavat. Ermolov began to demolish the khan's power in the region, a certain vacuum of power arose.

Alexey Yudin: And in this vacuum, our hero Imam Shamil arises?

Patimat Takhnaeva : No, not really.

Vadim Mukhanov: 1829: On the one hand, a new imam appears, and on the other hand, Yermolov, who was no longer suitable for the new Russian Emperor Nicholas I, was sent to severe disgrace, left the Caucasus on a simple kibetka. Paskevich came and announced a well -known proclamation to the highlanders.

Alexey Yudin: We have a commentary on the Dagestan historian, chairman of the Geographical Society of Zurab Gadzhiev.

Zurab Gadzhiev: There were long negotiations. Then Baryatinsky gave a telegram to St. Petersburg to the military minister, said that he gave the order to stop all barren negotiations with Shamil and start storming. In parallel in different villages of Dagestan, he announced that Shamil was presented with an ultimatum and, until the evening of August 25, he should give up according to the old style, otherwise what he promised to him will be canceled (and he was promised a corridor in Mecca with family members). But Baryatinsky began the assault a day earlier than the expiration of the ultimatum. In a letter to the military minister, he explains: it can be seen that Shamil will not go to this ultimatum, I ordered to stop these negotiations and start storming. There was a large mountain, from different parties there were high -rise posts, and from the back, where the attack was least expected, there was a small post, and troops climbed there at night. Just when they made a morning prayer before dawn, a volley was given a volley during the earthly bow. Then, on the other sides, the assault also began. The battle began until dawn and lasted all morning.

Patimat Takhnaeva: Zurab Gadzhiev said that Baryatinsky, in violation of the agreement, began to storm a day earlier, and this predicted the outcome of the events. There was nothing like that. I dealt with this issue in great detail, I had a monograph where I showed on a documentary basis that all conditions were respected.

Alexey Yudin: The interpretation of the image of Imam Shamil has always been ambiguous.

Patimat Takhnaev: Depending on what goals they pursue.

Vadim Mukhanov: This is a significant sacred figure, so there are many myths around it that are based on one historical fact, and then there is a free interpretation.

Alexey Yudin: And what is his uniqueness as a strategist, tactics of war, what was the power of the warrior Shamil?

Vadim Mukhanov

Vadim Mukhanov: By 1829, the Russian Empire defeated neighboring empires with their power, authority, huge contacts and capabilities. Emperor Nicholas I was sure that now all Caucasian problems would be resolved even faster, because there is no large empire, there is no clearly designated enemy. In one of the letters to Field Marshal Paskevich, he writes: dear Ivan Fedorovich, you will have to figure out the second thing, this is another thing, but quickly enough - a year and a half, and that’s all. Petersburg during this period did not realize the depths and scale of the problem with which he would face in the Caucasus. And then a man came who not only headed the highlanders of the region, but successfully resisted the powerful empire for a quarter century.

Patimat Takhnaeva: In early September 1834, Imam Gamzat was killed, on the 20th of September, Shamil became an imam, that is, he picked up this banner of resistance. Only a year passes, there are no battles yet, Tiflis is still asleep, Petersburg is not suspected of what he encountered. In 1835, Imam Shamil outlined the territory of his state, the border on the right bank of the Avar Kois, entered into an agreement with Major General Klyugenau, the head in North Dagestan. It was a very serious agreement, with the issuance of amanates. Imam Shamil believed that he was concluding an agreement with the Russian Empire, he was sure that he was in allied relations with her.

There was no vacuum of power. The owner, having received the titles of Major General and Colonels, continued to rule. They entered the citizenship of Russia, received the highest military ranks, a salary of two to five thousand silver per year. Imam Shamil had no doubt that he would also pour into this traditional political space. He demanded to conclude contracts with him, but other Dagestan rulers refused, did not see, did not recognize him. He had his own state, which united three to five free Dagestan societies, he believed that it was his territory, limited it to the border and demanded that they conclude agreements, exchanged amanates, but he was ignored. Imam Shamil did not understand what was happening.

For a believing Muslim, this is an impeccable image of an unconditional worship of the Almighty

In 1836, in Tiflis it became known that Klyugenau entered into a kind of agreement with the turmoil, a rebel, as he was called in letters. This did not fit into any framework, Klyugenau demanded an explanation, he said: no, I do not know anything. He abandoned the contract. He concluded an agreement because he did not have the strength to resist the ugliness created: he could not establish order in the region entrusted to him. Imam Shamil by force subjugated society. In each society, he had supporters and opponents, and he won where there were more supporters.

In 1836, this became known. And Imam Shamil, absolutely confident that everything goes officially, coming to any society, said that he was acting with the presentation of the Russian authorities, with the permission of Klyugenau.

Since 1835, the Caucasian governors, commanders, the Caucasian command have been changing, but in every message that went to Tiflis, the name of Imam Shamil was accompanied by the words “unmuffy”, “rebel”, that is, one cannot say that he was accepted as some kind of political figure: no negotiations, because he was a rebel.

Let us return to August 1859. One of the points that Prince Baryatinsky included in the ultimatum Imam Shamil was his complete forgiveness. He had to be forgiven first, and only the emperor could do this.

Vadim Mukhanov: We must understand what kind of era this is the 1830s. If we look at the end of the war - 1864, the question immediately arises: what happened to the war if Shamil was captured in 1859? The answer is very simple: the North-Eastern Caucasus was just one of the theaters of military operations. The second theater was the north-west of the Caucasus, Circassian tribes, modern Krasnodar Territory, the Republic of Adygea. Why still weakened the attention of the Russian command to the northeast of the Caucasus? Because from there very often came referees. By the way, the disgraced Ermolov had fun, reading these relations, he said that if each of them says how many opponents died, then with whom the Russian army is fighting? Some of the many representatives of the Russian command loved to give up, so a small battle turned into a huge battle and so on. By the time Shamil arrived, the next relations in St. Petersburg had gone that the issue was practically closed.

Alexey Yudin: And why did he fight, what he was building?

Vadim Mukhanov: He fought for an independent existence, so someone characterizes this as a military theocratic state. This man accumulated several statuses that were characteristic of state formations of that time: the head of the state, the supreme religious figure, imam, in addition, this is the commander, a person who led all the armed forces in the imamat. При имаме Шамиле действительно был имамат: кто-то называет это протогосударственным образованием, кто-то — государственным образованием, — но оно состоялось. Четверть века — это достаточно большой срок. Государство — это здание, и он его выстраивал. Нельзя говорить, что он его выстроил сразу в начале 1830-х.

Алексей Юдин: Финал имама Шамиля — это было поражение? Как он сам это воспринимал?

Вадим Муханов: Он действительно переживал, особенно сильно — в первые месяцы. Человек кардинально изменил статус: был главой регионального государства, а стал военнопленным. Первое время он ощущал себя в плену, все-таки не он же выбирал себе Калугу как дальнейшее местожительства.

Патимат Тахнаева: Я хочу вернуться к апрелю 1859 года. Больше десяти лет у него была столица в Ведено, и вот он теряет столицу, теряет Чечню. Он укрепился в Дагестане. В апреле 1859 года имам Шамиль отправляет своего человека в Стамбул, пишет письмо о том, что он больше не может воевать, он устал, спрашивает: сколько мне еще держаться? Если не будет поддержки, то он уже не продержится. Возможно, именно об этом человеке с письмом к турецкому султану как раз писал российский посол в Константинополе: есть такой человек, он пытался выйти на турецкого султана, его не приняли, отправили к российскому послу. Он связался с императором, тот возложил абсолютно всю ответственность решения этой операции на князя Барятинского. Барятинский сказал, что для него не имеет значения, когда придет этот человек. К этому времени он уже замкнул кольцо осады, Имам Шамиль был заключен, выхода не было. Но и здесь Шамиль продолжал надеяться, что ему удастся связаться с султаном. Ведя переговоры с князем Барятинским, он попросил еще один месяц, чтобы отправить своего человека в Турцию: он вернется, и мы будем знать о решении султана. Это говорит о том, что он принял поражение, но хотел разделить его с турецким султаном.

Если представить карту имамата, то это Чечня и Дагестан. Вообще, с 1851 года наблюдался внутренний кризис: экономический, политический, нравственный. Чечня не хотела воевать. Уже приходилось принимать более жесткие меры, чтобы мобилизовать горцев. С 1851 года от имама Шамиля пытаются отойти его ближайшие сподвижники.

Алексей Юдин: О чем идет речь для народов современного Кавказа, когда люди говорят об имаме Шамиле?

Вадим Муханов: Это крупная фигура, которая во многом сакральна.

Патимат Тахнаева: Ключевое слово — "сакральная". Для верующего мусульманина это безупречный образ безусловного поклонения Всевышнему, жизнь, которая является примером на пути к Аллаху, на пути к джихаду.

Алексей Юдин: Это тот воин, который по-прежнему ищет совершенства.

Патимат Тахнаева: Который безупречен на пути к совершенству. Он окружен ореолом мужества, порядочности, силы, то есть все моральные качества тут в превосходной степени. Его имя окружено огромным количеством легенд, преданий, домыслов, но все они говорят о нем в высочайшей степени. Опять-таки, Кавказ разный, и Дагестан разный. Я не совсем уверена, что имам Шамиль - столь же безупречная фигура для определенной группы дагестанцев, но он крайне популярен в Дагестане.

Алексей Юдин: Благородный муж, идущий путем воина по пути совершенства. Это очень важный внутренний ориентир, гений места для этого региона.