Warm places for "former"

When Vladimir Putin takes away the retired ministers to his administration - does he simply seek “warm places” for them or builds a parallel office in the Kremlin? Discussed journalists Semen Novoprudsky, Peter Zalmaev and politician Leonid Gozman .

Elena Rykovtseva: Vladimir Putin puts the retired ministers much more, maybe sometimes good places. With us, Semen Novoprudsky. Very good, there are practically no offended.

Semen Novoprudsky: Yes, I think that there was a deliberate agreement, that they would not be, most likely.

Elena Rykovtseva: Of course, the question arises: why they were offended, settled, if they are so suitable for work, useful people that the posts that they now occupy, they are even higher than those that they already had. We will now listen to who is where.

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Settressed, but not quite released. Where Putin attached former ministers

Elena Rykovtseva: We have no doubt that everything will be fine with them?

Semyon Novoprudsky: I think that most likely yes. In principle, nothing portends anything so far.

Elena Rykovtseva: The reputation of a person who does not throw his own, does not throw, does not give up, does not give up for Vladimir Putin. Why change them then?

Semen Novoprudsky: The question "why change", of course, is the most important. And there is no answer to it yet, because we are dealing with some parts of the puzzle, not imagining which figure the head of state folds in his head from Russia and its leaders. But in a sense, we can compare this with what happened in the past. In past times, during the resignation of the government, as a rule, key people from this government who were set aside received other positions in one way or another. Moreover, the rotation of people between the government and the presidential administration is also a completely ordinary practice: the government went to the presidential administration Andrei Fursenko, Elvira Nabiullina, Andrei Belousov, Tatyana Golikova. Andrei Belousov, who moved to the presidential administration, has now returned to the government again. The walking of people between the presidential administration and the government, as well as the flickering of the influence of these bodies on the adoption of economic decisions, continues constantly. That is, it is the usual practice for Putin. In addition, there is another understandable practice, although there are cases of how people who were quite close to Putin, who worked for a long time, were thrown out of the clip, became opposition. Maybe the most striking example is Mikhail Kasyanov. But in general, in Putin’s logic to keep people who were in power, on a short leash, give them synecuras, so as not to create any opportunities in them in order to somehow engage in any opposition, including activities. One of the important motives is to keep people with you.

Elena Rykovtseva: Leonid Gozman is in touch with us. Indeed, a feeling arises, he really raised them, say, Kozak - he becomes a fourth person in the presidential administration. Is he afraid of them? He should all be very warm, very well employed. He is afraid that if he does not do this, will they start a conspiracy against him?

Leonid Gozman: I think that is not the point. Perhaps such elements also happen. He appoints people according to his own ideas about their success, their effectiveness, utility and so on. He moves them to where they are really more important for him. We do not really understand the real control circuit. Medinsky moved to the post of assistant to the President of the Russian Federation - does he mean whether he will have more influence or less? The devil knows him. Moreover, now, when he clearly builds the second Tehran so that he does not go to the third, he must build it under this Tehran, under the new system of power, he must build it, he must place people to these places. And he puts people. The word "government" around the world means something most important, with us this does not mean the most important thing. I think that a lot is still connected with this. Suppose a conditional Medinsky need him at hand in the same building, for example, and someone needs him more. In general, I must say that the president’s personnel policy is not crazy as his international policy and so on: he appoints people who do their job quite effectively. In ideological positions - culture, enlightenment, and so on - we need people bruised by Orthodoxy, bruised by the grandeur of our history, he naturally puts them, they work there. The financial and economic bloc needs professionals, real professionals who will solve specific problems, but who at the same time will be a priori agree that they do not set goals, that they are obliged to obey, take any height that they will be ordered, no matter how pointless it may be from the point of view of the strategy, naturally disciplined. He picks up such people, picks up quite well.

Elena Rykovtseva: Is it not the feeling that when he selects these people from the government, he seems to build something like an alternative government in his administration, parallel to, so that, if anything, I also have its own capabilities? There, the Minister of Culture - I have an assistant in culture, what is the subordination here, no one knows, but I have the same.

Leonid Gozman: This is an absolute repetition of what was under the Bolsheviks, under the Communists, when the Central Committee of the CPSU was an agricultural department, secretary in agriculture, was simultaneously the Ministry of Agriculture of the RSFSR, the USSR, and the Little Little Fight will break the leg. That is, it restores this system. It seems to me that he does not just restore it, he develops it even more. Because it is unlikely that anyone believed that he said that the president’s power cannot be limited, the minister-mentor cannot be set. It is quite obvious that the State Council under his sensitive leadership will be the same Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, which is completely unlimited in their actions, even imitation institutions, imitation laws, and so on. They will make decisions, these decisions will be required. And now he updates it, builds it up and so on. He has a parallel control circuit in the administration for a long time, from the very beginning. And who was the same Belousov? He was an assistant in economics, at the same time there is a Minister of Economics, however, one is sitting, the other works. The parallel circuit was constantly, is and will be in this system.

Elena Rykovtseva: I may have such a completely stupid question, but nevertheless. By the way, in Soviet times, it surprised me why, in the regional party committee, the department of agriculture, when it is in the regional executive committee, I could not understand this in those old Soviet years. When a person breeds and breeds parallel places, parallel positions, parallel salaries, introduces the third deputy into his administration, is it at least by someone? Indeed, in the Constitution it is not written that the President of the Russian Federation has the right to an endless number of places to produce in his presidential structures. Who gave him such a right?

Leonid Gozman: They don’t give rights, but take it, he just took it and over the past 20 years he took so much that he would not seem enough. In the Constitution, the role of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU was also not agreed. It was said in general that the CPSU is a guide force, but the fact that everything is decided precisely by the Politburo was, of course, such. Our system is even more autocratic, more voluntaristic than the Soviet system was, in my opinion, than today's Iran. In general, Iran is a sample. If you remember when there were excitements in Iran, as our bosses were worried. It was anxiety for his older brother or younger brother, I don’t know who they think him, but for his brother, of course. This is an ingenious structure for them, which they are trying to build. Putin Dan by God by God, as you know, only to God answers, not before you, but everything else can move as he wants.

Elena Rykovtseva: Can you somehow classify the appointment of Dmitry Kozak to the post of third person? The first deputy at Wino is Sergey Kiriyenko, who is engaged in all domestic politics, all the elections, he decides which party to live, which one to die, which one is not worth it, he decides, in the end, who will go candidates for the president. The second person is Gromov Alexei, who is lifelously engaged in the Russian press, propaganda, whose leaders of the federal media are trampled on the carpet. Finally, Dmitry Kozak appears. If everything was clear to us with these two for a long time, then what kind of role was prepared for him here, can you imagine this?

Leonid Gozman: Of course, I can only guess. It seems to me that Dmitry Kozak is an exceptionally trusted person for the president, a person is very reasonable, very effective, in fact, achieves a result, at least will achieve to the last. He can be such an alter ego, he can solve really complex problems. I believe that the president really understands, do not underestimate him, I am extremely negative about his activity, but at the same time I am personally related to his abilities with great respect. I believe that he destroys our country, but, nevertheless, he is a very strong person. It seems to me that the president perfectly understands in what terrible state our affairs are not political, not in the media, but real life. Kozak has always been engaged in real life. I think that his coming to the administration, closer to the president, is so that he is trying to save what can be saved. You do not believe their optimistic statements, they understand what is happening.

Elena Rykovtseva: Semyon, how do you regard this elevation of Dmitry Kozak? Actually, we must be afraid that people appear in the administration, who are really supposed to save, because they say that everything is fine?

Semyon Novoprudsky: Kozak, firstly, a person who is with Putin almost from the beginning of his political career in general and certainly from the beginning of the federal political career. Kozak already worked in the presidential administration, Kozak - a person who made administrative reform and reform of the authorities, apparently, he will again engage in the reform of the authorities, which is clearly outlined. One way or another, it will be necessary to write a law on the State Council, for example. In addition, Kozak is a key person in the war with Ukraine. Moreover, this is a person who is engaged in the war with Ukraine and the supervision of Sevastopol and Crimea from an economic point of view, that is, he actually economically runs the so -called people's republics, he oversaw Sevastopol and Crimea in the Russian government and will obviously oversee him there. He, of course, is a person much less passionar in a good sense of the word than the same Surkov who was engaged in this in the presidential administration. It is very interesting in connection with this whether Russia will change its policy. It seems to me that Putin’s fundamental goal, it seems to me, it seems to me that the process of formalizing his political heritage has begun, I think that the Kozak will become a key person in an attempt to create a state from Belarus and part of Ukraine that Russia will create, in my opinion. I think the Kozak will be an effective manager who will try to solve the main political task for Putin to remain in history as the recreate of fragments of the Soviet empire in the form of a new union state. Because this is the main mission that Putin will have, and the Kozak is a good person to solve its economic part.

Elena Rykovtseva: In fact, by his significance, he will squeeze Sergei Kirienko?

Semyon Novoprudsky: I think that he, at least, will be approximately equivalent to him. He will certainly not be engaged in applied domestic policy, he will not go to Kiriyenko’s political clearing if Kiriyenko remains in the administration. But the fact that the Kozak will be a person who has a relationship with the president is precisely more trusting than that of Kiriyenko, that the Kozak will be one of the most important people in the presidential administration is no doubt.

Elena Rykovtseva: Nina Ivanovna from the Tver region, hello.

Student: We live in a remote village, we have claims to our government, which is 20 years old at the helm, especially the president, who is the fish that rot from the head. We have a bad connection, I stand with one foot in the attic to catch your ether. I heard the surname Kozak, I do not follow his career under Putin, but the first time I heard when our submarine Kursk sank. The last name excited me so much that he was appointed the third deputy or assistant. I sat, cried at the TV, hoping for this kozak.

Semyon Novoprudsky: Kozak was not involved in this. I think that in this case it was about Admiral Mikhail Mozak, maybe, who was saying something about this, was one of the important speakers then. The Kozak was never involved in the Russian defense and in the social sphere. For some time, the housing and communal services were supervised for a while, but it was much later.

Elena Rykovtseva: I will now read you the numbers that I have just removed from the Interfax tape, maybe they will surprise you. "Starting from January 15, when the president made a resonant message to the Federal Assembly, the rating for evaluating his work and trust began to grow, adding from 2.5% of trust to 3% in a weekly counting, thereby reaching a three -month maximum," said VTsIOM General VTsIOM Valery Fedorov. "According to the survey, Putin heads a list of Russian politicians, who, according to respondents, can entrust the solution to important state issues, 29.8%. In second place, Minister of Defense Sergey Shoigu, 13%. In the third, the head of the Foreign Ministry Sergei Lavrov, 10%." They were not shifted by all three.

Semyon Novoprudsky: There is a wonderful joke that the security forces were left in the new government of Russia and changed weaknesses. It seems to me that a good joke, which quite accurately describes what happened.

Elena Rykovtseva: Igor from Novorossiysk, hello.

Student: I would like to ask in advance so that you do not perceive what I will say as a fucker. I believe that the best illustration of the entire personnel policy of our president is the song "Time Machine" "Puppet". There is a text that fully corresponds to what our leader does. And the growth of the rating is television.

Elena Rykovtseva: They explained to people that everything is being done for them, they began to trust him more, because they believed the irradiation that explained the whole message?

Semen Novoprudsky: Including. I think the main reason is Medvedev’s resignation, which is very unpopular in Russia, which was perceived as a person who did nothing. It is not a matter of the message, but the resignation of Medvedev, although he is far from settled, moreover, there are reports that he will have an office in the government of the government. I think that Medvedev is completely early to write off in Russia. But in general, this is the resignation of an unpopular prime minister who does nothing. We have premieres remain the reference phrases, Dmitry Anatolyevich remained the phrase "there is no money, but you stay there." About Mishustin now they say that he will remain in history "there is no money, but if I find?" In fact, people begin to joke about this. In general, it is clear that Medvedev is a person whose resignations most people who generally trust any authorities wanted. Some of the people considered that this was some kind of reform, that now the government would make us a little richer. People still hope that the Russian government can solve their problems.

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