Thought -handing | Colta.ru

"For conversations"

The history of the 1960s-the 1980s has already been rewritten several times, but in any of its versions there is one important detail. This part separates that time from the previous “cruel era”, when a hammer could be easier under a hammer of repression than slipping on a watermelon crust. It is believed that in the late USSR “for conversations” was no longer planted. Well, or, as historians write a little more carefully, “with Brezhnev“ for chatter ”they practically did not plant” [1] .

And indeed: the very “Moscow cuisines”, sung by Julius Kim, look like oases of freedom, Platonov Academy and Woodstock - a little by little. It seems that it was possible to talk and sing about anything, not fearing what kind of verse or a word will have to be answered in a well -known state house.

Alas, this is a pure illusion, and the cause of aberration is in the unconstructiveness of the array. This is only Moscow, and not every kitchen in Moscow. At least, folk wisdom at that time read: “In the USSR, the Constitution guarantees freedom of speech. But no one guarantees freedom after the word said. ” Acquaintance with the criminal cases of "thought -offers" proves that our people yes, really wise. In almost every political verdict of the 1960s and 1980s, “oral slanderous fabrications” appear-well, or the same “conversations”.

The border between freedom and lack of freedom passed immediately on the exit beyond the capital. Already in the Moscow Region, Chofer A. Ivanov, in 1971, was convicted that "among the workers he conducted anti -Soviet conversations, scolded the Communists and the government."

There was also a certain Kubyshkin from the Moscow Region, accused of anti -Soviet agitation: he scolded the authorities in a conversation with a neighbor. Kubyshkin turned out to be a “recidivist”: he twice fell into a psychiatric prison - and both times for conversations (1976) [2] .

The neighbors were sent to the bunks of I. Lupachev, who frightened them with a statement that he did not consider himself a Soviet citizen, but “all crooks and thieves in the party” (it turns out that the copy of the copy was not at all in Navalny - 1963).

The worker V. Korovin was caught in the summer of 1969 in his native Alexander on the bus, where he "scolded the Communists." For the first time they forgave, but a month later Korovin brought to Moscow, where he took up the same right on the street. Then the "mercy" of the Chekists came to an end.

An engineer from the Turkmen city of Mary Vladlen Lashkin “was talking about the unnecessary trade unions, Komsomol, and social media; That there is no democracy in the USSR, and in the newspapers and on the radio the truth is not printed or conveyed. From the hands of the councils of the deputies of the workers, the power that the party elite was allegedly extended was borne ”(1974). For this, Lashkin was sent to a Tashkent psychiatric prison, where neuroleptics and beatings were brought to chronic cystitis and left to lie on scraping for weeks in a puddle of their own urine.

The worker Mikhail Kukobak from Belarus managed to become a kind of “serial” thought -offender - and the court ruling methodically lists that when and to whom Kukobaka said (for the most part - his colleagues for work). “In Workshop No. 8”, “In the Workshop of the Radio Protection”, “At the Eveler for New Year in the Women's Dormitory”, “During the cleaning of the territory of the radio plant”, “In the hostel of the Kyiv factory of chemicals in the presence of Tupitsin and other Kukobak, he slandered the provisions of the Constitution of the USSR and on the messages of the Soviet press and radio”, etc.

However, to say that in Moscow they did not plant at all for conversations, it would also be wrong. Engineer A. Lazarenko was planted there, who, in general, expressed banal judgments that there were no political freedoms in the USSR, the leadership of the CPSU controls, regardless of the opinion of the people, but the Soviet troops occupied Czechoslovakia (1972). The employee of the Polytechnic Museum V. Popov also got into the bunks for calling the occupation of Czechoslovakia “occupation” (the museum is located exactly through the square from the KGB building - having such neighbors, it probably was worth it after 1972).

On the national outskirts of the USSR, they planted more often for conversations - in those conversations, the topic of national oppression and ethnocide naturally dominated those conversations. The teacher of the Ukrainian language Ostap Pastukh from the rural school in the Lviv region at school and among friends complained that teaching in higher educational institutions of Lviv is conducted in Russian, few books and films in Ukrainian. I received a term, and (probably, so that the shepherd in prison was not bored alone) was sent there as his friend - the doctor Semyon Korolchuk. Korolchuk had samizdat, but it was not without "oral slander fabrications." In a conversation with one of the witnesses, Korolchuk “convinced him of the Russification policy allegedly pursued in Ukraine” (1971).

In Baku, a teacher of Azerbaijani State University N. Aliyev led too bold informal conversations with students, stating that Azerbaijan should be free from the oppression of Russia and become an independent country (1975). As you know, Muse Klio loves the irony: Aliyev’s arrest was authorized by his namesake - the first secretary of the Azerbaijani Communist Party, Heydar Aliyev (who served before that head of the Republican KGB). During the years of perestroika, the second Aliyev became an ardent supporter of the independence of the republic - and the president, when Azerbaijan really became an “independent country”.

It would be strange if the Jews did not come across among the “talkers”, who for some reason were constantly dissatisfied with the anti-Semitism that flourished in the USSR. Geologist Efrem Glikman from the island of Sakhalin in conversations claimed that Jews in the USSR are discriminated and therefore he wants to emigrate. As a result, he was allowed to emigrate - but only after Glickman was serving for indecent conversations (1972).

The thought of the crime could manifest itself not only in criticism - it could be committed, and expressing praise to one of the Western countries. According to the verdict, the radio mechanic from the Sovetsk Kaliningrad region Vadim Konovalikhin “spoke positively about the lifestyle in the capitalist countries” - why he sought from the authorities to be allowed to emigrate there. Human rights activist Olga Matusevich approvingly spoke about the Polish “solidarity” - and received three years for these and other conversations.

And it was possible and vice versa - to discuss the CPSU program. In 1981, two workers from the Saratov region were convicted of this. The program adopted under Khrushchev promised Soviet citizens by 1980 dairy rivers with jelly shores. Friends buried her in 1961 in a sealed vessel in the ground, twenty years later they dug and began to read publicly, noting those promises that did not materialize [3] . Both received three and a half years for "anti -Soviet agitation." For about the same comments on the program, I got into a crazy house for a year and the Ural worker Dubov.

The conversations were especially convenient to incriminate the prisoners who had already been in the camps - if only because the KGB produced false witnesses there as cockroaches. In the summer of 1968, writer Anatoly Marchenko was arrested for "violation of the rules of the passport regime." Marchenko lived in his wife’s apartment in Moscow without registration - and received the maximum period of one year under the article. The Chekists did not like the idea to let him out at the end of the term, and they moved to the “plan B”. Shortly before the release against Marchenko, they began the case on charges of "slandering the state and social system."

Marchenko was stunned by the impudence with which the accusation was fabricated - it was built entirely on false testimonies. Especially Marchenko was outraged by the accusation that he was shouting: "The Communists drank all the blood from me!" This phrase - a saying that is walking throughout the Gulag, it "quite often yells in the camp" - but he himself never repeated this. “It is humiliating to prove that I did not utter these words” [4] . Nevertheless, Marchenko received two years of strict regime for “drunk”.

Camp sentences became pandemic in the 1980s, when the KGB already ruled in the state. Human rights activists Kirill Podrabinek, Vyacheslav Bakhmin, Alexander Lavat, member of the Ukrainian Helsinki group Yuri Litvin (who later died in the camp), editor of the Samizdat magazine "Search" Valery Abramkin - these are only some names of convicted in the camps "For conversations". The “serial” thought -criminal Mikhail Kukobak managed to distinguish himself here: when he got into the camp, he consistently received two more terms there - and on both ships he was charged with “conversations”.

The conversations were a very democratic type of thought of thought - both the professor and the semi -literate span could lead them. The electric welder Ivan Vernik from Zaporozhye "systematically among his surroundings expressed dissatisfaction with the living conditions and work in the USSR." Dissatisfaction was drawn to four years of camps (1972) [5] .

The case of Shakhtar N. Gaffarov from Kazakhstan, who had only three classes of education, was completely comical. In a drunken form, he said that he could not but drink vodka, because he has a small salary, and in general the Communists had built sobering up workers to punish workers (1970). By the time the case was caught the eye of the sane prosecutor who released Gaffarov, the poor fellow was already convicted and served for almost a year.

The crane operator from the city of Dzhambul E. Alexandrov was convicted by a political article for ... scandals with his wife. Aleksandrov was clearly not the best husband, drank and, drinking, scandalized, calling his wife with a “communist litter”; About the same in a drunken form, he talked with the authorities at work (1970).

It was possible to make a thought of completely by chance - for example, saying a toast at the festive table. For three years, a doctor from the Ukrainian city of Lutsk Igor Golts, who proposed a drink in honor of the fifth anniversary of the Victory of Israel in a six -day war (1972). The same amount was measured by the Kirovograd firefighter Victor Goncharov for toast “We will drink the day of the national tragedy of the Russian people!”, Spoke on the day of the October Revolution (1979). And the Jewish refuser Leonid Schraer from Chernivtsi (1985) was convicted for three years for a terrible crime - a verbal insult to the portrait of Lenin [6] .

* * *

It would be strange if the KGB did not plant for political jokes - the former one of the most popular thoughts of Stalin's times. Myths about the Soviet Union say that “ after Stalin they didn’t plant for jokes,” and indeed: political jokes in the late USSR said everything - except that not the Chekists. However, this seemingly harmless occupation had its own subtleties: jokes could only be told in the right place, at the right time, and most importantly - to the right people. In no case, jokes should not be told in the presence of authorities, strangers, and most importantly - if there was a deliberate informer nearby.

In his book about the KGB secret agents, the journalist and politician, the deputy of the State Duma, Yuri Shchekochikhin, is observing one of the people competent in this matter, namely, the KGB secret agent: “I used to notice many times that if someone recklessly told a joke (and there were ten people in the group), then he will certainly be called somewhere for an interview.” (This language requires translation: “somewhere” is not somewhere, but to an employee of the KGB, and “interview” is an interrogation.)

Back in the 1960s, Latvy Konnik Konyx received seven years in a few jokes . In the early 1970s, jokes were also planted. At the trial in 1972, the Ukrainian poet Vasil Stus was accused of, including that, being in the sanatorium, he told two jokes. Planted later. In 1976, Pavel Bashkirov was charged with a retelling of one joke. Leningrad engineer Georgy Ermakov wrote down jokes in a notebook, his wife reported this to the KGB - and Ermakova was imprisoned (1981).

In 1983, in Leningrad, the engineer Irina Tsurkov was convicted of three years: she not only told 10 jokes, but also compiled a collection-which included “162 anecdotes-Pasquil, containing obviously false fabrications, defaming the foreign and domestic policy of the Soviet Union, the activities of the CPSU and its leaders, the policy of the Soviet state on the national issue, conquering the Great Great The October Socialist Revolution, the living conditions of the working people of our country, the activities of the authorities and management, the armed forces of the USSR ” - reading the verdict, we might think that we are talking at least about the revolutionary manifesto [7] .

In order to make a thought of thought, it was not necessary to discuss political topics, tell jokes or pronounce “anti -Soviet” toasts - it was enough, for example, to pray aloud.

In 1970, the Christian Anna Chertkova, who lived in Alma-Ata, the authorities, in order to instruct the true path, demolished the house. Deskova had no choice but to dig a dugout, where she lived and prayed under the glued roof, sending the “curses of the Soviet regime and to the Communists” - at least this was understood by the authorities. Locals began to read to Chertkov as a saint suffering for faith; The KGB decided to dispute the canonization of AD HOC and arrested Chertkov. Chertkova sat in a psychiatric prison for 14 years and was released shortly before the end of the USSR, thus confirming the theological theological theological theological that no sincere prayer remains unanswered - even if it goes to the addressee for a very long time.

For about the same, the witness of Jehovah Z. Klinachev from Yalta was arrested - she said that the Communists would burn in hell, called the Soviet power Satanic and prophesied her ambulance. In the last paragraph of Klinachev, it turned out to be the right-the case took place already in 1984-but still managed to sit out her term. (I would like to hope that she was not mistaken about the afterlife of the Communists either.)

Telephone conversations could also become a thought of the crime - although there seems to be some difficulty in how to legalize and make a recording of a conversation legally significant proof in court. The KGB easily coped with this legal "absurdity". In 1981, Estonian human rights activist Marta Niklus in 1981 was charged with his telephone conversation with a friend from Sweden. The Chekists did not hide that they recorded international telephone conversations - and the operators of the telephone station, who recorded the conversation of the Niklus, testified as witnesses . Exactly for the same - telephone conversations with acquaintances from Sweden - was arrested in 1983 by Gederts Mailngalis in Riga.

If private conversations were considered thoughtfulness, then even more so - public performances. It was not necessary to speak in the square in front of the crowd - the audience could be narrow enough, as in the case of a peasant of a barn from Kazakhstan, who suggested that “we will soon live to fascism,” at the parent meeting at the school where his child studied (1969).

Vasil Barladyan, a teacher of philosophy of the Odessa Institute of Marine Fleet Engineers, received three years that he referred to Solzhenitsyn’s “Gulag Archipelago” in his lectures and ... “allowed slanderous statements about Stalin” [8] . Such an accusation would sound very organic in 1937-but in the yard there was 1977.

Thought -the crime easily occurred in stressful situations - for example, at a funeral. The Crimean-Tatar poet Muarrem Martynov was convicted of speech at the funeral of the writer and human rights activist Alexei Kosterin (1970) [9] . Father and son Peter and Vasil Sichko both made speeches at the funeral of the young Ukrainian composer Vladimir Ivasyuk - who died in circumstances that allowed and still allow us to suspect the participation of this KGB. Both Sichko received three years of camps for cemetery speeches (1979).

Since 1941, Kyiv Babi Yar remained a "bad place." The SS men shot there, the Chekists there were also arrested in the days of traditional mourning rallies. In 1972, 27 Jews were immediately detained, 11 people received 15 days [10] . In 1968, Boris Kochubievsky, Boris Kochubievsky, received a term for a conversation in the crowd at the rally. In 1966, the Ukrainian philosopher Ivan Dziuba made a speech there - and in 1972 he was arrested, and among the incriminated he was the performance of six years ago. Dziuba was careful and said nothing crime - but in his speech, as the examination established, there was also a subtext . From the text of the examination :

In addition to calling for the friendship of the Ukrainian and Jewish peoples, rejecting anti -Semitism, fascism, the speech contains, so to speak, subtext aimed at staining our Soviet reality. <...> It is necessary to “judge this or that society, not by its technical achievements, but by what place is occupied and what a person means in him, how human dignity and human conscience are valued in him” <...>.

This subtext gives speech an anti -Soviet orientation.

So Dziubu was condemned for five years - for subtext . No, Orwell should send his O'Brien to learn from colleagues from the Soviet Ministry of Love. It would not be necessary to follow anyone, to look for anything, to prove anything - only for the subtext can be immediately sent to the “room 101”.

Basic Source:

58–10. Supervisory production of the USSR prosecutor’s office for anti -Soviet agitation and propaganda. March 1953 - 1991 an annotated catalog. Ed. V.A. Kozlova and S.V. Mironenko. Comp. O.V. Edelman. - M.: International Foundation "Democracy", 1999

[1] Kramola. Инакомыслие в СССР при Хрущеве и Брежневе. 1953–1982 гг. Ed. V.A. Козлова и С.В. Мироненко. — М.: 2005. С. 61.

[2] Хроника текущих событий. Выпуск № 41. 1976.

[3] Вести из СССР. № 8. 1982.

[4] Анатолий Марченко. Живи как все. — М.: 1993. С. 437.

[5] Хроника текущих событий. Выпуск № 37. 1975.

[6] Вести из СССР. № 17. 1985.

[7] Приговоры по политическим делам в СССР. 1950–1980 годы. — М.: Самиздат, 1991. Выпуск № 3, с. 27.

[8] Хроника текущих событий. Выпуск № 46. 1977.

[9] Хроника текущих событий. Выпуск № 13. 1970.

[10] Хроника текущих событий. Выпуск № 27. 1972.