
How much will the Kremlin be arrested by the Governor of the Khabarovsk Territory? During the report of the Prime Minister of Mishustin in the Duma, the leader of the LDPR Zhirinovsky asks to financially support the voyage of his one -partyist Degtyarev to the Khabarovsk Territory. “People are not too happy to see him,” Zhirinovsky was forced to admit. So, people need to try to appease. Mishustin promises such help. Will the Russian budget withstand these promises? Economists are discussed by Nikita Krichevsky, Andrey Nechaev and Sergey Kheestanov . The program "Faces to the event" Elena Rykovtseva is conducting.
Video version of the program
Elena Rykovtseva: In the spring today, the State Duma was brought from the State Duma, because the spring session was closed. Imagine that all this time was spring, finally summer comes, they are leaving. But they don’t just move out, they first heard the government report. With us, Nikita Krichevsky. The main topic today, of course, will be able to persuade the Khabarovsk residents to stop protests if the government helps them. At the meeting of the Duma with the participation of Mishustin, this sounded in a red thread, it was held by Vladimir Volfovich Zhirinovsky. First, we will see how Vyacheslav Volodin presented this action, that this is a completely new format!
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0:00 0:00:28Elena Rykovtseva: I did not understand anything. I remember perfectly that when Vladimir Putin spoke in February, he said that now the parliament will have new powers. What did he get there for authority? They listened to Mishustin, he told them that everything was fine, they asked him questions. What is the novelty of the format?
Nikita Krichevsky: This is not a question for me, but to Volodin. I am also not very clear to me what is the novelty of this report. Mishustin did not report that it was rather a brief excursion at the six months that he spent as the prime minister. Naturally, goals and objectives for the future, five areas that he designated. On this, everyone was pleased, everyone approved, patted, sung the anthem, and now, probably, there is a banquet there.
Elena Rykovtseva: I got used to the word to trust people. He says: the president was transferred to us new powers, you will now see how we realized them.
Nikita Krichevsky: The fact is that by -laws should be, but we have not yet seen them.
Elena Rykovtseva: Here we are moving to the topic of our first economic, maybe even the main thing today. Because the city of Khabarovsk does not let up, he does not really recognize this new appointed temporary authorized person. Let's see the chronicle of today, the first day at the work of Mikhail Degtyarev in Khabarovsk.
Elena Rykovtseva: Not yet very, until they develop, there is no mutual understanding. Nikita, you wrote on a social network that a normal man, he has a wife, three children, and four on Wikipedia. Have you ever seen them, photos of your wife, children?
Nikita Krichevsky: Four, I have already corrected. I saw, but it was a long time. I have been familiar with Mikhail Degtyarev since 2013. Together we wrote a program in the elections to Degtyarev in mayor in 2013. I must say that Sergey Sobyanin fulfilled many provisions of that program, although this is not advertised.
Elena Rykovtseva: Where did you see his family, under what circumstances?
Nikita Krichevsky: In the hostel.
Elena Rykovtseva: Today I looked at his Instagram, there are two and a half thousand photos and not a single photo of a wife or children. No one can find the ends of this family, where they are.
Nikita Krichevsky: This is absolutely not surprising, because in the Russian mentality there is such a feature called the evil eye, a bad eye. And so many, including me, by the way, can see my social networks, you will not see a single photo in the same way, although I had twins on July 10. Yesterday I took them from the hospital, we naturally took pictures, you will not find a single photo. Not because I hide something, but because many are afraid of the evil eye.
Elena Rykovtseva: We are not even discussing about young children.
Nikita Krichevsky: In 2013, he had a literally a few months. And his wife, by the way, is very pretty.
Elena Rykovtseva: You will confirm this to everyone in Khabarovsk, too, because they also decided that a completely single person came to them. True, no ends. It is very good that we have a living witness that this family exists. Now let's see what Vladimir Zhirinovsky said about all this today. By the way, there one new moment appeared in this whole story curious, we did not know about it. He tells the truth or not, we also do not know now. Let's listen to what Zhirinovsky said that Mishustin answered him, and how he asked Mikhail Degtyarev to help him.
Elena Rykovtseva: Do you believe that he flew to Moscow to give up and say: that's it, I'm leaving, am I tired?
Nikita Krichevsky: You know, I have no reason not to believe Zhirinovsky. If he says that he was going to fly to Moscow, if Zhirinovsky says that this is so, then we have to wait for confirmation from the van. And when Furgal confirms this, it will be clear that Zhirinovsky does not deceive us. If this is really true, then the situation will be slightly different, if not dramatically different in Khabarovsk. Because a person was going to leave the post. I can’t say - to betray, but by and large, putting their personal interests slightly above the interests of the people that he represents. This is not good.
Elena Rykovtseva: That is, Vladimir Volfovich wanted to say that he was asked to leave, he finally gave up and was ready to fulfill this request. Why do you grab him when he voluntarily went to meet you?
Nikita Krichevsky: Because if you take as a basis the version that His Lord Rotenbergs tried to squeeze out the "Amurstal", they practically succeeded, because 75% was already under their control. In December, they closed Mstryukov, a patient’s man ...
Elena Rykovtseva: We will return to the version of the Rotenbergs. Andrei, in your opinion, will the government really begin a certain economic pumping of the region, because it is necessary to somehow support Degtyarev, which is not sympathetic to this audience of Khabarovsk? Do you think that now this region will somehow be put into priority in relation to what was determined earlier?
Andrei Nechaev: This corresponds to Russian management logic to give people some handouts, gingerbread in order to reduce the degree of discontent. The question is different. People went to these protests not with economic requirements. They had a rather popular governor, who was arrested, first of all they defended him. Then you can figure out why than they liked it, how much it is in the mentality of the local population. Because this is a very specific land where active cross -border trade is on and so on. The second slogan that sounded there is Putin to resign. I don’t remember, I saw a lot of amateur videos from these rallies, there were no economic requirements, there were no requirements to increase pensions, improve the situation in healthcare, and so on. In this sense, the appointment of the governor from the LDPR was also such a somewhat strange decision. Apparently, the Kremlin believed that in the Khabarovsk Territory they love the Party of the LDPR so much that they do not care what its representative would steer a region, if only it was the LDPR. It seems to me that this is a big illusion, then it is a serious political mistake. I, too, I know Mikhail Degtyarev, he is the guy in principle normal, but he is not local, he does not particularly know the specifics of the region. He tried a lot of all kinds of activities in his life, but I have never been in senior positions, so I do not remember serious managerial experience. I think this is the purpose of both for him a bad service and a bad service for the edge. It was a political mistake. Probably, on the edge of some kind of golden rain will now spill. How much he will satisfy the inhabitants, I'm not sure.
Elena Rykovtseva: It turns out that the arrest of the van will cost so much, so much and so much. Such an expensive pleasure is to engage in the arrests of their political opponents.
Andrei Nechaev: I do not know specifically the figures of the budget of the Khabarovsk Territory, but this is not some kind of giant land in terms of budget expenditures. Maybe this will cost a couple of extra billions, against the background of the Russian budget this is a drop in the sea, so no sequestration of the budget is required for this. My main thesis consists in another thing that I'm not sure what you can spend money on, make some single payments, start some kind of social project relevant for the region, for example, build a new hospital or open a new school. How much, if it is realized, because now the situation with the budget is quite tense, how much it will satisfy the Khabarovsk residents and I do not know how much this will reduce the degree of protest. Because their main topic of their performances was that they chose, with an overwhelming advantage, 70% of the vote, they with an overwhelming advantage chose for themselves the governor of the person popular in the region, and then Moscow not only dismissed him, but also sent him to jail. Here is the main pathos of protest performances. They simply, figuratively speaking, gave a political slap in the face.
Elena Rykovtseva: There may be two billion, maybe less, maybe more. How do you assess that approximate financial assistance to the region that could persuade these people to calm down?
Sergey Khestanov: It seems to me that this case will eventually show a much more common problem by its example. The fact is that the entire population of the Khabarovsk Territory is a little more than 1350 thousand people. Indeed, from the point of view of the possibility of the federal budget, it is technically easy to fill the problem with money. But it is very important to recall the background. The fact is that Mr. Furgal became the governor unexpectedly. This was a typical example of the so -called protest voting, when they voted not so much for a specific candidate, but against the candidate that was associated with the party in power. The reason for this behavior is also quite understandable. Even if you look at the dynamics of the Russian economy before the beginning of March 2020, before the pandemic, the acute phases of the economic crisis, the dynamics of the Russian economy painfully resembled the dynamics of the Soviet economy at the end of the stagnation. Accordingly, when the economy is stagnated for a long time, this naturally reduces the social enthusiasm of the population and increases the likelihood of any protests. It so happened that some time ago, in the elections of the head of the Khabarovsk Territory, citizens voted against than unexpectedly a candidate who, in fact, apparently, did not plan to win the elections, led to the victory of Mr. Furgal. And then there was a rather rare crisis in the Russian practical policy, when the governor managed to enlist the support of a significant part of the residents of the region. It's funny, but the rating of the programs that illuminated the governor's meetings was very high, that is, people with great interest watched how he made decisions. Accordingly, when his arrest occurred, this caused a very great discontent. Therefore, purely theoretically, the population of less than one and a half million people can be supported in one way or another with the help of certain payments, to remove the degree of discontent, for a while it will work. But the problem is much wider. Since the dynamics of the Russian economy is quite weak throughout the country, then this is only a question in some case, in which regions at what pace such dissatisfaction of the population will increase. To solve the problem of distributing money throughout the country, this task is obviously unresolved. Because what can be done for one and a half million is obvious that it is impossible to do it technically for almost 150 million people, the capabilities of the Russian budget are definitely not enough. Therefore, now the events that unfold in Khabarovsk are a kind of case that will show in something and the development of events throughout the country.
Elena Rykovtseva: Actually, it will not be a very good precedent for the authorities, when they try to fill a political protest with money. Other regions may also like this, they will go to a political protest, they will also begin to water money. An expensive pleasure to deprive people of their favorite governors or politicians.
Nikita Krichevsky: I understand your polemic reception, you outlined the clearing that the center will fill in the protests with money, trying to drag me into this clearing so that I am in your coordinates about how much, how, why. It won't work. Firstly, Mr. Hestanov is wrong in the sense that 146 million people are physically impossible to provide from the budget with money. Mr. Putin has been doing this for 20 years, he succeeds. 40% we have oil and gas income.
Elena Rykovtseva: What does Putin do?
Nikita Krichevsky: Distribution of money among the population.
Elena Rykovtseva: How much the population received from this distributed money for these 20 years?
Nikita Krichevsky: Look at cars in large cities. Look at the housing under construction, purchased apartments. I would not say that it doesn’t work out.
Elena Rykovtseva: Listen to Sergey Mironova, who will tell us today about 18 million poor, who are below the subsistence level.
Nikita Krichevsky: In Moscow, according to official figures, more than a million people are officially poor. As for Mr. Mironov, do not read Russian statistics in the morning, Mr. Mironov. Rosstat does not see a small, medium -sized business, workers, Rosstat does not see a quarter of the occupied population in the capital's cities. He draws his conclusions on the basis of 75%. Incidentally, the share of 18%informally employed in the country as a whole. We do not see informally busy, we do not see those busy in a small, medium -sized business, we do not see the shadow sector, a garage economy.
Elena Rykovtseva: Do you see poor people around you who live in 10 thousand pensions?
Nikita Krichevsky: In Moscow, there are 10 thousand pensions, there is a country. I know people when I was unfolding on a garden ring, they were lying at a bus stop. A person who does not even live by 10 thousand, but I do not know how much.
Elena Rykovtseva: What is the name of this person who lives on 10 thousand pensions?
Nikita Krichevsky: Zoya Grigoryevna Volkova. Lives. Children help, personal economy. This is not good.
Elena Rykovtseva: We are talking about Furgal and the Khabarovsk Territory, and you say that Putin has so well provided everyone in 20 years, distributed these money.
Nikita Krichevsky: I said, fine? Sorry, I said that this is technically possible than Putin has been doing 20 years. But I did not give an assessment.
Elena Rykovtseva: Give her.
Nikita Krichevsky: I agree with your assessment in this case. But to say that on a country's scale it is technically impossible to provide the distribution of money. For 20 years, Putin has been doing this.
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