
The election of Marina Lybaneva deputy was like a special operation. For fidelity, she was insured by the faithful assistant Vyacheslav Makarova, head of the material and technical support department, Alena Kukushkin. She also registered in the elections in one district with Lybaneva and withdrew her candidacy when the chef’s daughter officially became a candidate for deputies.
Three years ago, on October 3, 2018, Vladimir Putin appointed the temporarily acting governor of St. Petersburg his envoy in the North-Western Federal District Alexander Beglov. Deputies who were elected in 2016, led by the leader of the local “United Russia” Vyacheslav Makarov, went into the political inheritance to the new mayor.
In the first days of the leadership of the city, Beglov gathered members of the previous government of St. Petersburg and said that he was asking everyone to stay. But things did not go beyond words.
One of the first to quit the vice-governor Igor Albin, who, under his patron, who did not like publicity, played the role of the speaker for the media. The new chef was annoyed by his public activity. Albin left, and a good relationship with Vyacheslav Makarov left him.
The first two months of work in St. Petersburg, Alexander Beglov pretended that there was no legislative assembly at all.

Meanwhile, Vyacheslav Makarov is tired of waiting for him to pay attention to Smolny. At one of the meetings, the deputy Maxim Reznik said that in Smolny, “dense dormant dimension was replaced by dense dense” and that Runks are engaged in a patriotic word -block instead of working on winter preparation for winter. They say that after these attacks the governor was very offended by Vyacheslav Makarov. Considering that any deputy is a subordinate speaker, he suspected Makarov in intrigues against himself.
And on January 23, 2019, when Beglov represented the candidacy of his new deputies in the Mariinsky Palace, Maxim Reznik from the rostrum told Beglov his famous: "You do not fit Petersburg." At the time of the deputy, the governor jumped up and quickly left the meeting room. It looked like a flight. In less than an hour later, in an interview with veterans, Beglov said that Reznik advocated that Leningrad was handed over to the Nazis.
They say that Beglov was furious and believed that all public attacks on him were made on the direct order of Makarov. And in September, Beglov, then still held the position of acting governor, had to elections.
On May 1, 2019, the famous acceleration of the opposition column occurred, which conducted its traditional procession. The police, by direct instructions of the Committee on the Law and Law and Order of Smolny, began to detain dozens of people on Nevsky Prospekt.
The Yoblik deputy Boris Vishnevsky then said that the authorities of St. Petersburg from the very beginning were preparing a provocation, blocking the street with cleaning equipment and the police so that the opposition column could not pass according to the agreed route. Smolny was silent in response, and Alexander Beglov continued to be offended by Vyacheslav Makarov.
When at the end of May it was a turn of the candidates for governors to collect the signatures of the “municipal filter” to participate in the elections, they were without problems by Alexander Beglov, Nadezhda Tikhonov from “Fair Russia”, ex-launchist Mikhail Amosov and Communist Director Vladimir Bortko. Boris Vishnevsky in signatures municipal deputies refused. Naturally, there was a scandal. The acting was again angry with Vyacheslav Makarov, believing that he was sending Vishnevsky and bending passions, convincing everyone that Beglov, they say, arranges dishonest and uncompetitive elections.
As a result, Makarov said that United Russia would support the candidate Beglov, but the latter in every possible way avoided his belonging to this party.
On the website of United Russia, they even deleted the information that Beglov was included in its governing bodies, and the press service of Smolny disseminated the information that the acting acted in the party of power.

But orders from Moscow are not discussed. Makarov was forced to pull through the elections to the governor's chair of the candidate, with whom he had a protracted conflict. On September 8, 2019, Alexander Beglov received 64.5% of the vote. All traditional violations - stuffing, carousels, home -made voting - were written off to municipal elections that were held on this day in St. Petersburg. The head of the CEC Ella Pamfilova called the falsifier Vyacheslav Makarova, and Caid the elections of Beglova honest.
Since the moment Alexander Beglov became the full owner of Smolny, he was waiting for the next elections to the Parliament of St. Petersburg to remove the unloved speaker from there. The Brothers Kovalchuks joined the battle. On the 78 channel, they began to release stories about how Vyacheslav Makarov leads ZakS: forces the employees of the apparatus and guests of the Mariinsky Palace to wear ties, divorced families, appointing friends and relatives.
Alexander Beglov, in turn, made a Falstart: on the air of the 78 channel on March 26, 2021, he said that he sees Vyacheslav Makarov in the State Duma as the leader of a group of deputies from St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region. After the television, the speaker’s spokeswoman called the journalists and invited them to the Academy. Mozhaisky, where Vyacheslav Makarov will give explanations about his political future. The speaker said that he did not intend to leave.
The speaker kept the defense until the last, and submit documents to the State Duma to the State Duma in April was brought by the head of the United Russia General Council Andrei Turchak.
Then it turned out that the deadlines for receiving documents for primaries were extended until May 14. And on May 4, while everyone was resting, Vyacheslav Makarov, praying to the Iveron icon of the Mother of God, submitted documents for the primaries to the Legislative Assembly in the district No. 3 in the Petrograd district.
The speaker was the same - he received guarantees that he would go to the State Duma and head the regional list of the party, and did not go to the primaries in the ZAS.
The federal leadership of United Russia entrusted the organization of Smolny’s elections, and Vyacheslav Makarov washed his hands and helped to get into parliament only to trusted people. He spent his daughter Marina Lybanev to the Mariinsky Palace, he himself elected a deputy of the State Duma and lost the status of a second person in St. Petersburg, but retained the post of leader of the St. Petersburg branch of the party and does not intend to hand over it.
As a result, in some districts in the elections to the Legislative Assembly, the candidates of United Russia fought with the Smolninsky Party "New People".
The classical situation was formed in the district No. 17, where the protege of Makarov Denis Four -Caucca and the former judge of the Charter Court Olga Gerasina from “new people” fought for the mandate. By exposing Gerasin against the four-year-old, the political vice-governor Alexander Belsky wanted to kill two birds with one stone at once. In the case of Gerasin’s victory, the right hand of the former speaker Denis fourright did not go to the ZAS, and the “new people” loyal Smolny would have received another part -time deputy. Gerasin went to the SKS both in the district and on the list, she won in the district, she would have refused the place in the list and would give it to the next applicant from her party. Smolny would have received two loyal deputies at once, and only Gerasin would have claimed to the post of head of the parliamentary committee on the legislation, which in the last convocation was controlled by Denis.

The Committee on Legislation is the most important parliamentary body. All the bills introduced by deputies pass through it. It depends on the one who leads it depends on how the subpoenus of the SkS meetings will be formed.
Gerasina lost, and now this post is not guaranteed to the representative of Smolny.
In the district No. 16 against the strong municipal of the fair Russians, Andrei Aleskerov put the frankly weak protege of Smolny Vitaly Fateichev and wanted to win the district exclusively on the admin resource. It didn't work out. Another minus is one deputy for the party in power.
In a single -mandate district No. 22, officials were so worried that they omitted the result of the Party of power below the plinth. There, the skier of Lyubov Egorova received 23,720 votes, and her son Viktor Sysoev, who was walking along the list of the LDPR, is 2084.
Now follow your hands. According to the party science in the district, where the single -mandate of Egorov triumphantly wins, United Russia fails and receives 16.64% (8011 votes), and the LDPR suddenly takes off and gains 23.47% (11,300).
It turns out that the candidate from the "EP" Lyubov Egorov in the district loves three times more than the party itself, and the LDPR party is six times more than the candidate from this party Viktor Sysoev.
The inept actions of officials and the struggle of pro -government candidates among themselves worsened the result of "United Russia". This is a direct result of confrontation of two rival power groups.
Smolny, despite the actually forced drive of state employees to vote on September 17 and 18, could not provide an acceptable result of United Russia, which in party lists scored 33% in St. Petersburg, which was 8% less than in 2016, when the elections were held by Vyacheslav Makarov. In the single -mandate districts, the party of power also lost a third of the places. So Smolny’s victory is not necessary to celebrate.
Vyacheslav Makarova managed to pick out from the Mariinsky Palace, but now Marina Makarova comes there, he has his own group of influence, and before the election of the new speaker of the parliament, the head of the apparatus Mikhail Subbotin is controlled by the estimate of the St. Petersburg Sachs. Will the new convocation of the Legislative Assembly be able to choose a speaker at the first meeting on September 29? The former speaker may know the answer.