After a broken eras

Putin’s attack on Ukraine created a new reality. Much cannot remain the same as before, including in Germany. Chancellor Column Olaf Sholts

Politics begins with comprehension of reality. Especially when we don't like it. This reality is such that imperialism has returned to Europe. Many had the hope that economic interconnections and interdependence in various fields will become the key to stability and security. Putin destroyed this hope with his war against Ukraine, and now it has become obvious to everyone. Russian missiles not only brought large -scale destruction in Kharkov, Mariupol and Kherson, but also did not leave stone on a stone from the European and International Peaceful Order of the past decades.

But this is not all: the state of our Bundeswehr and civil defense structures, as well as our too strong dependence on Russian energy carriers indicate that at the end of the Cold War, the feeling of imaginary security made us careless. Politicians, business and a significant part of our society were made by far -reaching conclusions from the words of one of the former German defense ministers, that our country is now surrounded exclusively by friends.

It was a delusion.

After the breaking of the eras, which became the aggression of Putin, nothing was left the same as it was. And therefore, realities should not remain the same as before! However, in itself, the statement of the fact of the broken eras is not yet a program. The breakdown of eras dictates the need to act - for our country, for Europe, for the world community. We must make Germany a safer and capable of better protecting ourselves, the European Union is more sovereign, and for world order we must ensure a more reliable future.

The new reality includes 100 billion euros, which we decided to allocate to the Bundesver as emergency capital. This amount marks the coolest turn in the security policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. We provide our soldiers with equipment and skills that they need to be able to fully protect our country and our alliance partners in this new time. We simplify and speed up the purchase system that was too clumsy. We support Ukraine as long as it needs this support: in the economic, humanitarian, financial plan and through weapons supply. At the same time, we take care that NATO does not become a warring side. And finally, we get rid of energy dependence on Russia. We have already achieved this in relation to coal.

By the end of the year, we want to stop the import of Russian oil. The share of Russian gas in the total volume of its imports has already decreased from 55 to 30 percent.

This is a difficult path, including for such a strong, prosperous country as ours. We will need a good endurance. Already, many citizens suffer from the consequences of the war, primarily because of high prices for gasoline and food. Many with concern await the following electricity, oil or gas accounts. Therefore, the federal government initiated financial assistance totaling more than 30 billion euros to support citizens. Now various measures begin to act.

However, the truth lies in the fact that the global economy has been aware of the challenge that it has not known for decades. The interrupted supplies, the stocks of raw materials, which arose as a result of the war, uncertainty in energy markets - all this infuriates prices around the world. No country in the world can alone resist such a trend. We need to rally and support each other - for example, following the example of agreements in our country as part of a joint action between employers, trade unions, business and those who make political decisions. In this case, we - I am convinced of this - will leave the crisis stronger and independent than we entered it. This is our goal!

We, the new government of Germany, have made a decision in advance to get rid of energy dependence on Russia as quickly as possible. Back in December last year, that is, two months before the start of the war, we worked out the issue of energy supply of our country with the most unfavorable scenario of events. When Putin began his war in February, we were already capable of action. For example, plans to diversify our supplies or the construction of liquefied gas terminals have already been developed. Now we resolutely take up their implementation. However, we are forced to temporarily and with a heavy heart again connect coal power plants. We have determined the minimum levels of filling gas storages - oddly enough, so far this standard has not been registered. Today they are already much better filled than at the same time last year. At the same time, the current situation strengthens our determination in achieving the goal to develop renewable energy sources much faster than this has happened so far. Therefore, the federal government, for example, significantly accelerated the design procedures for solar and windmills. At the same time, we must not forget: the more energy we are all - industry, households, cities and municipalities - we can save in the coming months, the better.

On this path we are not alone. We are united in the European Union, integrated into a powerful NATO military alliance. And we act, guided by sincere beliefs - not only out of solidarity with Ukraine, the existence of which is under threat, but also to protect our own security. If Putin stops gas supply, this means that he uses energy as a weapon, including against us. Even the Soviet Union did not allow this during the Cold War.

If we now do not contrast Putin's aggression, then he can go further.

We already passed this: in 2008 - an invasion of Georgia, then the annexation of Crimea in 2014, an attack on the east of Ukraine and, finally, in February this year, throughout the country.

To allow Putin to get away with it, it would mean that force can violate the law almost without consequences. In this case, in the end, our own freedom and security will be at risk.

“We can no longer exclude the possibility of attacking the territorial integrity of the Allies.” This phrase is contained in the new strategic concept of NATO, jointly adopted by 30 allies at the summit in late June in Madrid. We perceive it seriously and act accordingly. Germany will significantly increase its presence on the eastern flank of the Alliance - in Lithuania, in Slovakia, in the Baltic Sea. We do this in order to keep Russia from an attack on our alliance. And at the same time, we clearly make it clear: yes, we are ready to protect any part of the Alliance territory, and just like our own country. We guarantee this. And we, in turn, can rely on this guarantee by any of our allies.

The new reality lies in the fact that the European Union has rallied more in recent months. He responded with a wide consensus to Russia's aggression and imposed unprecedentedly harsh sanctions. They affect every day more tangible. Let Putin not have illusions: from the very beginning it was clear to us that we might have to maintain our sanctions for a long time. It is clear to us something else: in the case of a world imposed on the terms of Russia, not one of these sanctions will be lifted. There is no other way for Russia than to conclude an agreement with Ukraine, which will be acceptable for Ukrainians.

Putin wants to divide our continent into zones of influence, where there will be great powers and vassals. We remember what catastrophes of us, Europeans, this led in the past. Therefore, at the last meeting of the European Council, we gave an unambiguous answer. The answer, which will forever change the appearance of Europe: we provided the status of a candidate for joining the EU to Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova and confirmed the European perspective of Georgia. And we clearly made it clear that the prospect of joining the EU all six countries of Western Balkans finally should become a reality. This promise remains valid. These countries are part of our European family. We want to see them in the European Union. Of course, on the way there it will be necessary to fulfill a number of conditions. It is important to openly talk about it - after all, there is nothing worse than beckoning the unrealizable hopes of millions of citizens. But the path is open and the goal is clear!

In recent years, it was often a fair demand that the EU become a geopolitical player. This is an ambitious, but true desire! The European Union, having made a number of historical decisions in recent months, took a big step in this direction. Having shown that is still unprecedented determination and solidarity, we stated: Putin’s neo -imperialism should not be successful. However, we should not dwell on this. Our goal should be to rally our ranks in all those areas where we have been trying to achieve decisions in Europe for a long time: for example, in the field of migration policy, in the creation of the European defense system, in the field of technological sovereignty and the stability of democratic structures.

We are well aware of the consequences of our decision regarding the geopolitical role of the European Union. The European Union is a living antipode of imperialism and autocracy. Therefore, he is so angry with such rulers as Putin. The constant lack of unity, constant disagreements between EU members weaken us. Therefore, the most important response of Europe at the scrap of eras is cohesion. We need to save and deepen it. For me, this means: enough, guided by selfish considerations of individual EU members, to block European decisions. Stop acting alone at the national level if it harms Europe as a whole. National veto, for example, in the field of foreign policy, is not what we can afford if we want to be heard in the world of competition of great powers.

The breakdown of eras and globally acts like a brushwood thrown into the fire, exacerbating existing problems, such as poverty, hunger, a break in supply chains and energy deficiency, and brutally demonstrating the consequences of the imperialist and revenge power policy.

Putin's attitude to Ukraine and other countries in Eastern Europe wears neocolonial features. He completely dreams of creating a new empire on the model of the Soviet Union or Tsarist Russia.

Autocrats all over the world are very carefully monitoring whether he will succeed in this. What prevails in the 21st century - the right of strong or the power of law? Will the absence of rules on the site of a multilateral world order establish in our multipolar world? These are questions specifically facing us.

From conversations with our partners in the global south, I know: many of them see this risk. Nevertheless, for many, the war in Europe is too far, while they feel its consequences directly. In this situation, it makes sense to see what connects us with many countries of the global south: the commitment of democracy, no matter how differently it is expressed in our countries, the UN Charter, the dominance of the law, the basic values ​​of freedom, equality, solidarity, and the dignity of each person. These values ​​do not have a geographical binding to the West. We share them with citizens around the world. But in order to protect these values ​​from autocracy and authoritarianism, we need a new global cooperation of democratic states, spreading outside the West in the classical sense.

In order to make it possible, the concerns of the global south should become our concerns. We must avoid double standards and restrain our promises given to these countries. Too often we argued that we were conducting a dialogue “on equal terms”, but in fact it was not entirely true. This must be changed - at least due to the fact that many countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America, given the population and economic power, have long been on equal terms with us. I completely consciously recently invited colleagues from India, South Africa, Indonesia, Senegal and Argentina to Germany. Together with them and many other democratic countries, we are developing solutions for such problems of our time as a food crisis, climate change or pandemic. In these areas, during the Great Seven summit, we achieved tangible progress. Confidence is made up of this progress - including confidence in our country.

This can be based if Germany in our difficult time takes responsibility on behalf of Europe and all over the world. Our leadership in this sense has two aspects, both of which are equally important. Firstly, it implies a joint development of decisions with others and the rejection of actions alone. Secondly, our country, which is located in the center of Europe and was once on both sides of the Iron Curtain, is designed to unite in Europe the East and the West, the North and South.

Putin's propaganda claims that Germany and Europe have become pampered and clumsy in its satiety and complacency, that their postheroic society is incapable of protecting their values. More recently, some observers with us made the same conclusion. Over the past months, we have witnessed another, new reality.

The European Union is attractive, as never before, it opens its doors to new members and will be reformed at the same time. NATO was rarely so dynamic, it is growing Sweden and Finland, two strong friends. Throughout the world, democratic countries are random, new alliances arise.

Germany is also changing in the light of the breaking of eras. He makes us realize the value of democracy and freedom and the need to defend them. This gives rise to new power. The power that we will need in the coming months. The power with which we can form the future together. The power that our country carries. And this is reality.

The original article can be read here