Chechen Edward Snowden

The first results of the internal investigation of the attack on Elena Milashin and Alexander Nyemov: they were looking for information from the exposure of the “terrorist network” controlled by the Chechen Center

On July 27, the senior investigator of the first department for the investigation of the particularly important cases of the Investigative Department of Chechnya Hizir Atangeryev supplemented the criminal case on the fact of an attack in Grozny and the lawyer Alexander Nemov with six new articles. Including he initiated cases under Article 144 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (obstruction of journalistic activity) and Article 296 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (threat to the murder of a lawyer in connection with his professional activities). Thus, the Chechen investigation recognized the obvious fact: this is indicatively a cruel attack was connected precisely with our work in Chechnya. The attackers tried to intimidate us so that the lawyer of the Nemov would no longer dare to defend the Chechens, and from horror I would forget how the word “Chechnya” is written.

Nemov’s lawyer has been working in the Chechen Republic since 2018. He participated in the investigation of mass extra -court execution of 27 residents of Chechnya. It was precisely the “New Gazeta” who first wrote about this crime, unprecedented even by Russian standards.

Alexander Nemov repeatedly collaborated with the SOS Caucasus*organization*, which causes nervous tick among the Chechen authorities, because it helps representatives of the LGBT community. The most famous case in this sense, who was conducted by the lawyer of the Nemov, is the case of two brothers, 20-year-old Salekh Magamadov and 18-year-old Ismail Isaev, forcibly exported by Chechen police from a shelter in Nizhny Novgorod to Chechnya. They - gay and transgender person - were sentenced to a lot of terms on charges of cooperation with the Czech Islamic underground that has long been non -existent in nature. Initially, however, the plans for the detainees were more radical, and only the participation of lawyers, in particular Alexander Nyemov, retained the brothers of life.

Actually, about Sasha Nemova for the eyes in the human rights community they say: the last hope. In the sense that he is taking up cases that all other lawyers refused.

And this happens more and more often, because protecting people in Chechnya is becoming more dangerous every year. When we investigated extrajudicial executions in the republic, the Chechen authorities and security forces threatened us with claims for slander and publicly demanded from the Kremlin and the FSB to be shut up. When we began to defend LGBT people in Chechnya, we were declared jihad without a statute of limitations and threatened not only publicly (this is not so scary), but also more sophisticatedly, transmitting, for example, threats through colleague-preservers from other regions of the country. When Sasha Nemov became a lawyer forcibly exported from Nizhny Novgorod by the wife of federal judge Sydi Yangulbaev Zarema Musaeva, mass rallies were arranged in Grozny, in which they cursed and burned photographs of the Yangulbaev family members. The lawyers of Zarema were forced to come to their client so that in the morning to go to a pre -trial detention center or court, and in the evening to fly from Chechnya. The outdoor met them, as a rule, at the ramp itself and also escorted them almost to the ramp. Lawyers shot the physiognomy of the not very hiding “toptunes” on the phone, sent their photos to the Investigative Committee, to the prosecutor's office, to the FSB. Zero reaction.

The process in the case of Zarema Musaeva for the Chechen authorities, who publicly promised the federal judge to the family and everyone who defends her, “prison or grave”, in this sense was held on the verge of a nervous breakdown. And on July 4, when Sasha and I flew to the announcement of a completely predictable sentence to Zarem, a nervous breakdown happened. Only a completely different story was the reason.

Nugget

On May 21, at the request of colleagues from the Center for Human Rights Protection, Memorial, I published a small note in Novaya Gazeta about a resident of Chechnya, an employee of the Russian Guard Yasina Khalidov, who was detained at the border post in the city of Isilkul of the Omsk Region while trying to cross the Russian-Kazakh border.

He was detained on the basis of orientation, sent by employees of the Center for Combating Extremism of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Czech Republic to the centers of opposition to extremism of all Russian regions. In this orientation, the Chechen opera asked their colleagues to establish the whereabouts of Yasin Khalidov. The reason for this All -Russian search operation, which has nothing to do with such a formalized Code of Criminal Procedure of the Russian Federation as a search, was supposedly operational information that Khalidov wants to enter Ukraine and join, quote, "in the armed formation of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation."

On the basis of this, not dated, not registered with the outgoing number, nobody not signed by the Filkin letter, which the Chechen opera was in advance, Yasin Khalidov was unreasonably detained and transferred to the police department of the village of Isilkul. Those took Khalidov to the Office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Omsk region, where, among other things, the local CPE is located. After which Yasin disappeared without a trace. For two and a half months now, his relatives and lawyers cannot get an answer from the Omsk police: where are they divided? More precisely, based on the information that an employee of the Isilkul police department informed us, which persons of the Chechen police were handed over to him, without making any reports and protocols, like Khalidov, not a person, but a lost dog?

That's just the “dog” of Khalidov was definitely not. Rather, it was a walking bomb with an activated timer. The Chechen security forces faced the task of neutralizing it by any means, but the sappers from them turned out to be useless.

Before his detention, Khalidov managed to tell human rights activists that he began to work in the Chechen police as a schoolboy. He was arranged by his father’s relatives, he served in the Chechen UFSB and died at the age of 35 from oncological disease. After the death of his father, Yasin ended up in the family as an older man (except for his mother, he has a younger brother and sister).

Police schoolchildren-for Chechnya, the phenomenon is not uncommon. This is due to the fact that until recently (before the start of a military operation in Ukraine), employment in law enforcement agencies of the republic after adulthood cost a lot of money. And adolescents - basically they were the children of the dead employees - they took for free. They served as security guards or involved in households, and after adulthood they made a certificate of secondary education and transferred to more prestigious positions.

17-year-old Yasin Khalidov also first worked as a security guard at the checkpoint in the Shali OMVD, but the opera began to train him very quickly. And Khalidov, who, in fact, quit his studies at school and did not speak Russian at all, unexpectedly turned out to be a very talented student.

He quickly learned the main “professional” skills: to intimidate, blackmail, torture men and beat women, engage in extortion, throw drugs and weapons ... In general, to make people either informers or “result”.

After adulthood, in May 2022, Khalidov was transferred to the transport riot police (Rosgardia). But in fact, all this time he actively worked together with the employees of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the Czech Republic, who recommended the young Rosgvardisian as an opera with great potential. And four months later, together with his colleagues from riot police, he was sent to the zone in Energodar Zaporizhzhya region. Nevertheless, in such a short time, he managed to enter into confidence in a very cunning and much more experienced Chechen operas. And they discovered the trainee full access to their “kitchen”. Apparently, Khalidov was really a nugget ...

And then something went wrong: Yasin Khalidov decided to quit the organs. What exactly led the young policeman to such an unexpected decision, and at the very moment when his career in the Chechen bodies was just beginning and completely threatened to become brilliant and monetary, I do not know. But something happened to this guy.

Khalidov first voiced his decision to leave the bodies even before a business trip to Ukraine. He was then beaten by colleagues. The second time he informed the authorities of the desire to quit after returning from his zone.

He was called to the authorities, and he realized: now he will be detained and he will experience everything that he was taught for a short service in the Chechen police.

Khalidov was right. As soon as he arrived at the riot police base, he was really actually detained. And only due to the fact that he retained his rare self-control, he managed to escape from the very nose of his leadership. He was able to leave Chechnya, but was left completely without money. It was then that he made his main mistake - he turned to the wrong people for help.

Tumso and his competitors

Chechen blogging as a significant phenomenon has formed relatively recently. His ancestor was a simple Chechen engineer Tumso Abdurahmanov.

Once Tumso crossed on the street with the nephew of the head of Chechnya Islam Kadyrov, and this meeting sharply changed the life of both. Later, Tumso repeatedly talked about this meeting: Islam Kadyrov did not like the shape of his beard, he found it, I quote literally, "suspicious." Kadyrov ordered to detain Abdurakhmanov and deliver to his house, where he tried to make a “result” on the detained. He demanded that Abdurakhmanov hand over the “accomplices”, then to light up on the Chechen television against the backdrop of the whole group of shaitans personally revealed by them, Islam Kadyrov. Everything was done, of course, for the sake of praise of the omnipotent uncle Ramzan. Tumso was then released, literally setting the task of finding candidates for shaitans. He had few options for further actions, because such meetings and tasks do not promise anything good to ordinary Chechens. And Tumso acted like dozens and even hundreds of Chechen refugees before him: he fled to Georgia, after which he brought a fake criminal case in Chechnya. Then, when he was refused a shelter in Georgia, he left for Poland, where he was also refused asylum.

Before Tumso, there was a choice: to behave passively, that is, sitting and waiting for the moment of deportation, which can be delayed for a long time, but not endlessly. Or take fate into their own hands and become those whom Europeans will not be able to deport in principle - Chechen Navalny.

Abdurakhmanov started YouTube channel and began to call influential Chechen officials on a verbal duel. In August 2018, he published on his channel a record of a telephone conversation with the speaker of the Chechen parliament Magomed Daudov. And the next morning he woke up the real "YouTube star." “The conversation with the“ Lord ”(for this call sign is known throughout the world) were watched by several million people, which for the Chechen blogger was (and remains) an incredible achievement.

So Tumso Abdurakhmanov spun himself and at the same time became a role model for Chechen youth.

After Tumso, opposition channels in social networks began to appear like mushrooms after the rain and very soon began to compete with each other for the audience, views, likes and donates.

It is difficult to compete in this field. Chechnya is not the most open region, and the information does not come from here so much. And in order to get it, you need the trust of informants. Of course, this trust can be conquered in specific matters, that is, to help residents of Chechnya, as Russian human rights organizations have done for decades. But the Chechen bloggers had no desire to integrate into a complex, dreary and dangerous algorithm: first the protection of the applicant, and then work with his information. Moreover,

Using the catastrophic illiteracy of ordinary Chechens, bloggers began to defame not only each other, but also those who are systematic, for many years, helped residents of Chechnya. Including these very bloggers. The goal was banal - to pull the stream of meager information from Chechnya.

Yasin Khalidov asked for help from several Chechen bloggers. He wanted to escape from Russia and was ready to replace all the information about the activities of the Central Plant of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Chechnya. This information was actually a bomb, because Khalidov could tell not only his personal experience with Chechen operas, but also about how the system functions. He - this is quite obviously from the already published data - had access to the database of the entire Chechen CPE.

Instead of bringing Khalidov to the real channel of help, the bloggers yabedniche on each other and dissuaded him (because he just defended his sources and has never substituted anyone) from direct contact with his main competitor to Tumso Abdurahmanov and with human rights organizations specializing in the help of refugees in Europe. But they themselves could not offer Khalidov nothing good.

So Yasin poked in the chat bots of Chechen bloggers until he got in touch with the Yangulbaev brothers, administrators of the adat telegram channel. They just as dissuaded him from addressing Abdurakhmanov and Vaifond-a human rights organization engaged in legal and other support of Chechens-refugees.

But realizing what an important witness to them turned to them, the brothers clung to Khalidov with a dead grip.

The bloggers of Yangulbaev, the only ones from whom Yasin Khalidov addressed, demanded all the information from him, promising not to publish it and reduce it with Russian human rights defenders. They never brought Khalidov to human rights defenders (apparently, they didn’t really want to), but their “sensational investigation” began to prepare their “sensational investigation” immediately on the basis of Khalidov.

Today, Yangulbaevs claim that they did not want to deceive Khalidov initially.

But here are the facts.

From the moment of turning to the journalists of the “Novaya Gazeta” of the witness of the mass extra -court execution, 27 residents of Chechnya, a former employee of the regiment Kadyrov Suleiman Gozmamev, and the publication of his testimony in Novaya Gazeta has passed four (!) Years. All this time we were silent because they promised him security in exchange for information. In this deal, for us, the security of our informant and his family, and not his sensational certificates, has always been a priority.

From the moment Khalidov’s appeal to Yangulbaev, not even a couple of weeks had passed, the bloggers abandoned their informant, blocked him at all their messengers and chats and published all the materials that he handed over to them.

They did not name his name and surname, his position was distorted. But the opera from the CPE of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the Chechen Republic quickly could understand where the “legs” of this purely service and even secret information from. Moreover, before the publication, the Yangulbaev brothers phoned all the contacts issued by Khalidov, including both the employees of the CPE of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the Czech Republic and their agent network. That is, with one hand, the Yangulbaevs held a dairy cow, promising her salvation, and the other systematically cut her throat at that time.

On April 2, an investigation of federal terrorism was published on the Adat channel. This extremely incomprehensible text with a huge volume of texture, with many Chechen surnames and defendants, did not quote and did not repost a single outer more or less influential public. The media, usually so fallen on the Chechen sensations, did not pay attention to it.

By and large, this “investigation” is a simple publication of documents, photographs and correspondence in messengers, which Yangulbaev Yasin Khalidov passed. Most of them are in Chechen. The Chechens themselves (and not to everyone) and experts immersed in the subject, this information says a lot.

But the rest of the audience, she seemed uninteresting for a simple reason: this story-sensational-was actually poorly told. But if you translate it into human language, then Yasina Khalidov can be safely called the Chechen Edward Snowden.

Controlled terror

Yasin Khalidov told, let’s say, the real everyday activity of the Chechen riot police in transport. This unit has been headed by Adam Hizriev since 2020 (call sign "Tornado"). He is very close to the brothers Adam and Sharip Delimkhanov (respectively, the State Duma deputy from the Chechen Republic and the head of the Directorate of the Russian Guard in Chechnya). According to the Law on the "Rosgvard", the main task of the transport riot police is to ensure security and public order at transport infrastructure facilities.

In fact, the transport riot police actively cooperates with the CPE of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Chechnya and is very effective in the fight against Chechen “terrorists” and “extremists”.

The bloggers of Yangulbaev published files transferred by Yasin Khalidov about 65 residents of Chechnya. All of them are designed in the same style: the detainees are photographed in the same room, on the same background. However, the presence in the KUSP of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the Czech Republic of information about the official detention of these people could not be confirmed; There is no information on them in the database of the judicial system. That is, it can be assumed that no one has ever detained them officially, did not bring to criminal liability and did not judge - neither by “terrorist” or “extremist” articles. Yasin Khalidov told terrible details about what they did with these people. The stories of some detainees are published on the Adat channel.

But most of the array of information transmitted by Khalidov contains information that is actually classified as secret.

Это база данных сотрудников, работающих под прикрытием, и агентов ЦПЭ МВД по ЧР, через которых они раскрывают террористические организации и предотвращают теракты.

Большинство из этих агентов — симпатичные чеченские девушки, носящие никаб и выдающие себя за последовательниц радикального ислама. Делают они это в своих аккаунтах в инстаграме** и других соцсетях, а затем активно развивают тему в переписке с клюнувшими на их красоту и религиозные убеждения чеченскими парнями, которым очень хочется жениться на правоверных мусульманках. Далее, по свидетельству Халидова, эти «правоверные мусульманки» подводят парней к мысли об ИГИЛе (запрещенная в РФ террористическая организация) и, обещая рай на земле и на небе, перебрасывают на сайты, которые ведут уже более опытные вербовщики. Они-то и убеждают парней перейти к активным действиям. Например, напасть на чеченских постовых с ножами. Или соорудить пояс шахида по подробной инструкции, которую скидывают в чат, чтобы затем безопасно подорвать шахида где-нибудь в подземном переходе Грозного.

Ну а потом государственные информагентства сообщают, что в Чечне «предотвращено» очередное террористическое преступление. И вот за такую «борьбу с терроризмом» в Чечне весьма щедро награждают.

В эти сети профессиональных вербовщиков попадают многие молодые чеченцы — как из самой Чечни, так и живущие в Европе. Особенно восприимчивы к обработке парни, вывезенные родителями из России малолетними. Как, например, Абдуллах Анзоров, убийца французского учителя Самюэля Пати (да, их имена Халидов тоже упоминал в своем рассказе). И это, в общем, логично: чеченцы, выросшие в Европе, совсем не знают настоящих чеченских реалий, идеализируют недавнее прошлое Чечни и, как правило, не находят своего места в Европе. Манипулировать ими очень легко.

Судя по данным, оказавшимся в распоряжении Ясина Халидова, в Чечне и за ее пределами (в Европе) как минимум с 2015 года может действовать хорошо отлаженный конвейер «рукотворных» управляемых терактов.

И впервые появился свидетель с доказательствами того, что представляет из себя истинная борьба с так называемым чеченским терроризмом.

К сожалению, этого бесценного свидетеля мы потеряли.

Chain

Когда блогеры Янгулбаевы заблокировали своего информатора во всех чат-ботах, на Ясина Халидова началась охота. По всем регионам России была разослана ориентировка с его фотографиями, под текстом ориентировки стоят имя и фамилия начальника ЦПЭ МВД по ЧР Исы Эльмурзаева, в тексте ориентировки «для взаимодействия», то есть для связи в случае установления местонахождения Халидова, приведены данные трех сотрудников ЦПЭ МВД: полковника полиции И.С. Исраилова, майора полиции А.В. Мальсагова, старшего лейтенанта полиции А.Л. Батагова.

С этого момента у Ясина Халидова фактически не было никаких шансов, а его задержание стало лишь вопросом времени. Самое печальное, что после братьев Янгулбаевых он уже никому не верил и едва согласился на помощь чеченской правозащитной организации из Европы, от сотрудничества с которой его так отговаривали чеченские блогеры. К сожалению, правозащитники не смогли отговорить Халидова от попытки выехать из России. Он устал прятаться и понадеялся на свои контакты в правоохранительных органах Чечни, которые утверждали, что в базе МВД на него ничего нет. Поэтому и рискнул перейти российскую границу. Контакты Халидова, может быть, и не врали — формально в федеральной розыскной базе он не числился.

Но неофициальная охота, которую объявил не него ЦПЭ МВД по ЧР, оказалась не менее эффективной.

Сразу после того, как Халидова задержали, правозащитники, которым он позвонил с разрешения погранцов, кинули клич среди адвокатов. Надо было срочно ехать в Чечню, потому что омские полицейские даже не скрывали, что за Халидовым уже выехали коллеги, вероятнее всего, из транспортного ОМОНа. Why do I think so?

Потому что в Чечне существует жесткое правило: кто накосячил, тот за собой и убирает. В данном случае в глазах главы Чечни Рамзана Кадырова ответственность за эту крайне чувствительную ситуацию лежала в первую очередь на начальнике транспортного ОМОНа Адаме Хизриеве.

После нескольких дней безрезультатных поисков адвокатов для помощи Халидову сначала в Омске, потом в Москве и далее везде правозащитники наконец обратились к тем, кто не отказывал никогда. Хотя, возможно, это было неправильно, ведь нельзя все время полагаться на одних и тех же людей, которые и без того уже стали бельмом для чеченских властей. Но делать было нечего, речь в буквальном смысле шла о спасении жизни человека. И вот так в Чечню на поиски Халидова поехали два адвоката — Александр Караваев и Александр Немов.

Они обошли все возможные и невозможные адреса, в том числе и те, по которым в Чечне находятся секретные тюрьмы.

В результате смогли подтвердить информацию о том, что официально к Ясину Халидову у правоохранительной системы никаких претензий нет. Он не значится в ней ни как задержанный, ни как подозреваемый, ни как обвиняемый.

А неофициально у адвокатов Караваева и Немова сложилось мнение, что их клиент, возможно, находится на базе транспортного ОМОНа Чечни. Но поскольку по закону на базе ОМОНа вообще не предусмотрено нахождение задержанных граждан, адвокатам ничего не оставалось, как подать заявления о пропаже их клиента во все инстанции — от руководства Росгвардии до руководства ФСБ РФ. И так получилось, что на всех запросах стояла подпись только одного адвоката — Александра Немова. В общем-то, это техническая ситуация: чтобы избежать путаницы с адресами, обычно подписывается один адвокат, и он же дает своей адрес для получения ответов на запросы. Но именно этот формальный момент и сделал из Саши Немова мишень. У нас нет никаких сомнений, что уже 22 мая Ясин Халидов был доставлен в Чечню. Нет никаких сомнений и насчет того, что с ним сделали, чтобы выбить из него как можно больше информации, кому и что еще он рассказал. Предположу, что именно так похитители и узнали о существовании подробных интервью, которые Халидов все-таки успел дать правозащитникам. Полагаю, именно это в первую очередь и интересовало заказчиков нападения на меня и Александра Немова. И именно поэтому нападавшие всеми способами выбивали из нас доступ к телефонам и ноутбукам.

Следователю, который меня допрашивал, я сказала о своем предположении: те, кто забирал Халидова из ЦПЭ УМВД по Омской области, и те, кто напали на меня и адвоката Немова, — одни и те же люди. И этот момент сильно облегчает задачу следствия, уже столкнувшегося в расследовании нападения на меня и адвоката Немова с вечной чеченской проблемой неработающих камер наружного наблюдения. Камеры тут как раз последнее дело.

И если установить личности чеченских силовиков, приехавших за Халидовым в Омск, то автоматически можно выйти и на напавших на нас преступников.

Поиск этот надо начинать с сотрудников омского ЦПЭ, которые пошли на поводу у своих чеченских коллег и оказались участниками этой очень нехорошей истории.

Кстати, я не исключаю, что рассматривался и другой вариант действий в отношении Халидова, и именно он дал бы возможность замять этот кейс с концами. Нужно было просто оформить задержание Халидова и обвинить его в госизмене (он передал чеченским блогерам достаточно информации про свои украинские подвиги, хотя, повторюсь, делал это не для публикации, а для своей защиты). Дела по госизмене ведет ФСБ, следствие и суд по ним проходят в режиме полного молчания. В этом случае адвокат Немов больше не рыскал бы по Чечне в поисках Халидова, а «Новая газета» если бы и написала, то про Халидова-шпиона, а не Халидова-разоблачителя. Ну и конечно, чтобы похоронить таким образом Халидова заживо, нужна была еще одна малость. Надо было воздержаться от избиения журналиста и адвоката, как бы ни чесались руки. Вместо этого в Чечне решили, что Халидов должен пропасть. Это была первая большая ошибка. И она автоматически потянула за собой вторую.

На меня и Александра Немова напали для того, чтобы мы перестали искать Ясина. А в результате сделали все, чтобы его поисками занялись уже не только журналисты и адвокаты, но и следователи.

31 июля адвокат Александр Караваев подал на имя руководителя Следственного комитета России заявление о преступлении, в котором указал, что задержанный 20 мая сотрудниками погранслужбы ФСБ РФ Ясин Халидов бесследно исчез после того, как был передан сотрудникам ЦПЭ УМВД по Омской области. Родственники и адвокаты Халидова абсолютно уверены, что впоследствии он был передан неустановленным сотрудникам чеченских правоохранительных органов, неофициально проводившим в отношении Халидова розыскные мероприятия. Адвокат Караваев требует незамедлительно возбудить уголовное дело по статье о похищении и возможном убийстве Ясина Халидова.

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