
The rally participants hold portraits of the murdered Boris Nemtsov, Moscow, March 1, 2015. Photo: Sergey Ilnitsky / EPA
On the next anniversary of the murder of Boris Nemtsov, “New Gazeta Europe” resembles the main stages of man’s life and politics, which so accurately predicted the results of Putin’s reign and the war with Ukraine.
Boris Nemtsov was born in Sochi in 1959, then the family moved to Gorky (now Nizhny Novgorod). Father left the family early (Boris was barely 4 years old), the future politician and his older sister was raised and brought up by one mother-pediatrician Dina Yakovlevna Nemtsova. She inadvertently pushed her son, who successfully made a career in science, in politics in the late 1980s.
“In Nizhny Novgorod, the Communists started the construction of an atomic boiler room - atomic heat supply station (ACT). They proposed heating water in atomic reactors and then through the heat exchangers system this water under high pressure to be pumped to the Nizhny Novgorod houses. Since the country at that time was silent, no one was even going to ask anyone - they began to build, ” wrote Nemtsov in his book“ Confession ”of the rebel. - However, the lower one - in essence the city is not slave, we had a public organization for nuclear security, the main task of which was to prevent this boiler room. Even my mother began to collect on the Gorky Square against this project. Actually, thanks to my mother, I came to politics. She all the time kept telling me the same thing: “Here you are engaged in an unnecessary science, and we are going to build a nuclear boiler room here. Do you have a conscience?” ”
According to Nemtsov, his mother demanded that he write an article in the newspaper as a physicist about the inappropriateness of such an experiment. “Usually I wrote scientific articles, and then I had to write popular for the people. After this publication, I received a thousand letters from readers. I remember how I sat in front of my letters littered with a table. These people longed for the truth and when they heard my arguments, they simply could not not support me. So at the time of the “scoop” - it was in 1987 - I began to work with the public. Later, when I was already seriously engaged in politics, my mother was very worried that she pushed me onto this path, but it was too late, as they say, the train left, ” recalled Nemtsov in an interview.
Soon after the story of the atomic boiler room (the authorities eventually refused to build it), Boris Nemtsov, having gained popularity, was nominated by a candidate for deputies of the USSR in 1989.
He became the only Russian politician who interviewed academician Sakharov, shortly after he returned from the Gorky link.
In 1991-1997, Nemtsov was the youngest governor (Nizhny Novgorod region) in New Russia.
Nemtsov was sympathized with President Boris Yeltsin, paying tribute to his energy and principledness. Moreover, even in cases where their points of view did not coincide.

Boris Nemtsov literally had to persuade to leave the governor's post and move to Moscow. In March 1997, the daughter of Yeltsin Tatyana Dyachenko (now Yumasheva) specially came to Nizhny Novgorod. Their negotiations lasted all evening and almost all night.
After the death of Nemtsov, the Presidential Center of Boris Yeltsin gave the previously not published the memories of the politician about how he made one of the most important decisions in his political career - about moving to Moscow.
“Suddenly Valentin Yumashev called me ( then the head of the Yeltsin administration, the husband of her daughter Yeltsin Tatyana Dyachenko. - Approx. Ed. ) And says:“ Now Tanya will come to you, she has already left the car from Moscow to Nizhny. Tanya should tell you one very important thing, listen to her carefully and take her proposal seriously, because it is not just her proposal to Boris’s proposal, but Bora’s proposal, but Boris’s proposal, but Boris’s proposal Nikolayevich Yeltsin. "
And after the call of Vali literally an hour later, Berezovsky bursts over to me and says, as usual, with a tongue twister: “So, the struggle, the decision is made, we are appointing you to the government, come faster to Moscow, you will work as deputy prime minister, answer for oil companies, railways and so on, I decided everything, everything is fine.” I say: "Boris Abramovich, and who are you? Who are you?"
He was taken aback. "What is the position? Who are you in the country's management system?" - "What are you, struggle, you do not understand that I am steering to everyone!"
While Berezovsky and I are talking, the head of the Nizhny Novgorod traffic police calls me and says: “You know, a motorcade of government cars is going towards Nizhny, they crossed the border of the Vladimir and Nizhny Novgorod regions, I was informed that in one of the cars Tatyana Dyachenko.” I reply: “Well, since they don’t know, you take them to the Kremlin Nizhny Novgorod carefully so as not to break.” And I inform Berezovsky: “Boris Abramovich, well, in principle, twenty minutes later Tatyana Borisovna will drive up, I think it’s impossible to even come up with a better place for your meeting.” Boris Abramovich, like Kerensky, began to be interested in whether there was a spare exit, and I offered him some female dress ... In short, Berezovsky was rapidly disappearing, not having time to finish everything.

It is interesting that he overtook Tanya because he flew in his own plane, learning about Yeltsin’s decision about me and immediately deciding to stare him behind him. After this visit, I, by the way, although I did not live in Moscow and did not know the customs of the capital, I already began to understand a lot. It strained me very much, in the lower everything was easier.
So Tatyana Borisovna came to my office, so all excited came and said that Boris Nikolaevich asks me to go to work in the government, to which I answered her: “Tan, honestly, I don’t want to work in the government, I don’t know the position there and I don’t know all your things too much. There, Boris Abramovich just jumped out of here ... and all these doors and all these doors and all these doors and all these doors I won’t be traditional, I won’t. ”
As a result, we talked to her until late at night.
It was difficult for me to move the point from the dead, and the only argument of Tanya, who defeated me, was this: “When it was difficult for you, my father helped you.”
This was a real truth, he really treated me very favorably. You know the whole story about successors and so on, but the point is not even in continuity, but in the fact that it really helped the Nizhny Novgorod region and allowed us to implement large programs, including at military factories. And when Tanya said: “Now my father is bad (and this was the beginning of 1997, Boris Nikolaevich recently suffered a heart attack), the time has come to help him.” This phrase knocked me down.
... In general, I absolutely do not regret what happened because the invaluable experience that I gained in Moscow would hardly be able to acquire while in Nizhny. ”
In 1997-1998, Boris Nemtsov was the Minister of Fuel and Energy of Russia, then the Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian government, headed by Viktor Chernomyrdin, followed by Sergey Kiriyenko.
In the Government of Chernomyrdin, Nemtsov was remembered among other things by the fact that he came to meet the President of Azerbaijan Heydar Aliyev at the Vnukovo Airport (he flew to Moscow on an official visit) in a club black jacket and white trousers.

“Once in my life I violated the protocol and now the whole country knows about it, no, no, and so far someone will remind me of the embarrassment: stories, how I met President Aliyev in white pants. I cursed that day, but my repentance does not change anything, ”said Nemtsov in the book“ Confession of the rebel ”. - Of course, there are good reasons for justification. To begin with, I should not have met Aliyev at all. I calmly drove to work, the heat was 35 degrees, a terrible stuffiness ... Chernomyrdin suddenly called and ordered me to urgently go to Vnukovo to meet Aliyev.
- Viktor Stepanovich, I'm in a heartbreaking form.
- Are you in my underpants?
- No, worse: in white pants and in a T -shirt.
“Nothing, not bad,” said the head of government.
“So not my turn, but Chubais.”
“We have already involved Chubais at another work,” Chernomyrdin snapped.
I had to turn the car and rush to the airport. To call home or to the store to change, there was no time left. When I arrived at the airport and looked at the Mid officials, I realized that it would not be possible to even lend a suit from someone, because, as luck would have it, the officials came across very small ones. I had no choice but to remove the jacket with gold buttons from the guard and go to the ladder.
Heydar Alievich came out in a woolen black suit, a white shirt and a dark tie. All sweaty. He hugged me and said quietly: “Since Soviet times, I have been against this moronic protocol.”
A few days after the default on August 17, 1998, the Kiriyenko government was resigned, Nemtsov became the acting deputy chairman of the Russian government. According to the journal "Profile", Boris Yeltsin called Nemtsov and said that he had nothing to do with the crisis, and therefore would work until 2000, but Nemtsov refused due to solidarity with Kiriyenko.
He filed a request for a resignation that Yeltsin satisfied.
In August 1999, Nemtsov responded positively about the approval of an unknown native of the KGB of Vladimir Putin as the Prime Minister of Russia: “For the“ right ”forces of Putin, a completely acceptable figure. He is an efficient, experienced and smart person, ” said Nemtsov.

And after the creation of the Union of Right Forces party, Nemtsov called Putin the most worthy person of all the candidates who intend to participate in the elections of the Russian President in 2000. “At least I will support him in every way,” the politician said on the air of the Echo of Moscow radio station.
Subsequently, Nemtsov acknowledged Putin's support erroneous. He, unlike many Russian politicians and oppositionists, was not at all afraid to admit his mistakes. He admitted that in 1999 the Union of Right Forces supported Putin.
“We had a difficult conversation“ on five ” - Kiriyenko, Chubais, Gaidar, Khakamada and me. Khakamada and I was opposed to supporting Putin. The rest are for. Account 3: 2 in favor of Putin. This is not Argentina - Yamaika ... The party took the position of the majority. Irina and I remained with his opinion ... - Nemtsov recalled in his book “The Confession of the rebel”. - Putin's name surfaced in timekeeping, when months remained before the elections. Yeltsin did not trust Primakov, nor Luzhkov, nor Chernomyrdin. The environment convinced him: a president is needed, who will provide him with personal safety. The environment was indifferent where the new president would lead the country, they thought about themselves. So they chose the candidate for their interests. With Nemtsov, everything was clear to them, Yavlinsky scolded them all the time, Stepashin was too flexible. The environment was looking for a person who would owe him everything, reliable, who would hold the word.
Who is Putin, few people knew then. He was so inconspicuous that even my secretary did not react to him. Somehow the director of the FSB calls me to the reception room, and the secretary refuses to connect with me and demands to introduce himself.
He in response: “Putin Vladimir Vladimirovich, director of the FSB”. The secretary tells me: “There is some kind of Putin calls. He says that he is the head of the FSB. What to do with him?”
I remember the case that shook me to the core. 1998. Miners are striking throughout the country. They are sitting on a hunchback bridge in front of the government building and knocking helmets on the pavement. Berezovsky this performance sponsored and brings sandwiches to the strikers. The whole country is blocked: Trans-Siberian Railway, Northern Railway, North Caucasus Road ... Railway traffic is paralyzed throughout Russia.
The government decides to unlock railway tracks. <...> We understood that the country was about to fall apart for pieces for economic reasons, because the Trans-Siberian Railway is the only railway connecting the Far East and Siberia with the center of Russia ... <...>
On the other hand, the miners put forward in many ways fair demands, although there was a overlap, heated by offended oligarchs.
I, as the Deputy Prime Minister, led the situation to resolve the situation. He collected an emergency meeting, invited all the security forces. Everyone came, except for the director of the FSB, Vladimir Putin ... Putin called and said that he could not come, because his dog got sick. I was in shock and could not recover for a long time. The behavior of the head of the FSB seemed out of the egregatively ridiculous, no matter and non -state that I refused to believe in what was happening. I don’t remember what expressions I spoke with Putin then, but probably impolite. I am sure he did not forget.
Putin wrote to me all kinds of certificates, being the head of the control and audit department of the presidential administration. Somehow he sent a certificate that chaos, theft and corruption reign in Chubais's department. And further: "I report to your discretion." But if theft and corruption, then why “report to my discretion”? I called Vladimir Vladimirovich and asked: “You write that Chubais is a thief, and everyone else around him is crooks. Then you should have written:“ I think that it is necessary to initiate criminal cases. ”Instead I see a strange phrase:“ I report to your discretion. ”How to understand this?” Putin did not think over the answer for a long time: “You are the boss, you decide.” A classic example of a Chekist behavior.
By the way, in 2005, that Kubin’s Kubesu Klyus was a birthday, writing a resolution: “Please get acquainted with V. Putin’s appeal and take the necessary measures”. ”

Boris Nemtsov opposed the war in Chechnya. Being a deputy of the State Duma, in 2000 in Nazran, together with a group of other deputies, he signed a protocol of five points, which said that there was no military solution to the problem, so peace negotiations should be started in which "people elected by the people will participate." “The main goal of all efforts we consider the creation of conditions for the return of refugees, to eradicate terrorism and banditry,” Nemtsov said .
In October 2002, during the capture of the theater center on Dubrovka, the terrorists called politicians with whom they agreed to negotiate. Among them were Irina Khakamada and Boris Nemtsov. 10 years after the Nemtsov attack,he said in an interview with Novaya Gazeta that he and Yuri Luzhkov then forbade the president in negotiations with terrorists: “There was a direct call from Putin. And then <the chief of the operational headquarters> Pronicev said and said: you should not go to Luzhkov ... I asked me to explain the reason for me. Pronichev told me: go to the Kremlin and understand. I came to the head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation> Voloshin and asked to explain what this means. Voloshin said to me: “Putin does not like that your rating is growing.”
In 2003, in the State Duma elections, Boris Nemtsov headed the List of ATP, which did not overcome the 5 percent barrier. After the defeat in the elections, Nemtsov resigned from the post of chairman of the Political Council of the ATP.
In 2004, Nemtsov supported Viktor Yushchenko during the presidential election campaign in Ukraine. In turn, the Kremlin, campaigning for the candidacy of Viktor Yanukovych, brought down the entire power of domestic propaganda against candidate Yushchenko. During the Orange Revolution, Boris Nemtsov became one of the few Russian politicians who spoke out in support of the victorious Yushchenko, he visited Kyiv many times and performed at rallies.
From February 2005 to October 2006, Nemtsov was a freelance adviser to President Yushchenko.
In Russia, the opportunities to continue to make a career federal level policy for Nemtsov were increasingly reduced. In December 2007, the ATP Congress nominated him as a candidate for the post of president of Russia to participate in elections in March 2008.
According to December 2007, Nemtsov’s presidential rating was less than 1%. As a result, even before the beginning of the election campaign, Nemtsov decided to withdraw his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.
However, Kasyanov, like the Soviet dissident Vladimir Bukovsky, did not allow the CEC to participate in the presidential election.
In 2008, Nemtsov suspended his membership in the “Union of Right Forces” and entered the Federal Bureau of the Political Council of the newly created united democratic movement “Solidarity”.
In March 2009, he announced his intention to participate as a candidate in the election of the mayor of Sochi. Successfully registered with candidates for mayor, but Anatoly Pakhomov won the victory.
In 2010, Nemtsov, among the first leaders of the opposition, signed the appeal “Putin must leave” and regularly began to take part in the “Solidarity” campaign on the 31 of each month in support of the 31st Article of the Constitution on freedom of assembly.
Access to federal television channels for Nemtsov was closed.
He was the only politician who at that time filed a lawsuit against Putin. As you know, the reason was Putin’s performance in December 2010 (he then held the post of head of government), on the air of Russian television. Reading “a number of interesting issues of citizens selected by him,” to the question “what do Nemtsov, Ryzhkov, Milov and so on want?” Putin replied: “Money and authorities, what do they still want?! At one time, they were haggling, in the 90s they dragged along with Berezovsky and those who are now in places of imprisonment, which we remembered today, are many billions. They were dragged from the feeder, they moved, I want to return and replenish their pockets. But, I think that if we allow them to do this, they will not limit themselves with separate billions, they will sell all of Russia. ”

Nemtsov filed a lawsuit on the inconsistency of the reality of the information and the assessment given by Putin. In February 2011, the lawsuit was rejected. Judge Tatyana Adamova pointed out that the question of what the oppositions want, “not personally the personality of Nemtsov B. E., Ryzhkova V.A. and Milov V.S., but was a generalizing nature and was aimed at clarifying the general attitude of Putin V.V. to the activities of a certain group of persons who had previously been directly related to the implementation of stateweight in the Russian Federation”. "The surnames of Nemtsov, Ryzhkov and Milov are used not as the name of his own, but solely in the common sense of these names to refer to a certain class of politicians."
Boris Nemtsov reacted to the court decision so:
“The decision is iconic and precedent. Now the phrase “Putin, together with the Rotenbergs, Timchenko and Kovalchuki, was harassed into zero, dragged a lot of billions, and now they are afraid to tear themselves away from the feeder and cling to power at all costs” cannot insult the honor and dignity of Putin and the company. For all the above characters are common names. ”
Boris Nemtsov was a member of the organizing committee of a series of rallies against fraud in the State Duma elections on December 10 and 24, 2011.
At that time, the Life News portal posted Nemtsov’s telephone conversations into open access, in which he discussed his differences with other members of the organizing committee. The unthinkable - Nemtsov ... Glapsed from wiretaps ... Curses obscenities.
Boris Nemtsov managed to avoid the colony and pre -trial detention center, but he was periodically subjected to administrative arrests for up to 15 days in the IVS for participating in pickets and rallies. One of these detentions (December 31, 2010, after the end of the rally agreed with the Moscow authorities on the Triumphal Square as part of the Strategy-31 campaign) and the next 15 days in the IVS Nemtsov appealed in the European Court of Human Rights. The court in Strasbourg after 4 years later admitted that in relation to Nemtsov, Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which guarantees freedom of assembly, was violated. The court decided to pay Nemtsov compensation in the amount of 28.5 thousand euros.
He discussed about his choice and paths in an interview with Alena Doletskaya on the Rain channel in 2014:
“People who are ready to risk their freedom and prosperity are negligible in Russia, and this is connected with our terrible tragic fate. I mean the Civil War, Gulags, Repressions, Communism, Genetic Fear of power, tyranny. There are few people like me, we are all in the Red Book. I have a cowardly desire to disappear periodically, why do I need all this. I just understand that I have no particular choice. I am in the rut from which it is impossible to get out already. I do not want to look like some kind of cowardly coward and, for example, emigrate. For me, the reputation, and not among the zombie watches, and the reputation among my loved ones, friends and acquaintances is of great importance. I don’t want to look like a coward that disappeared somewhere. ”
Since 2010, Boris Nemtsov together, Vladimir Kara-Murza Jr., has been promoting the adoption of a “Magnitsky List” in the European Union and the United States, introducing personal sanctions against persons who are responsible for violation of human rights and the principle of the rule of law. In November 2010, Nemtsov performed in the US Congress at the Veh of Memory of Sergei Magnitsky. In February 2012, he handed over to the deputy of the European Parliament, the initiator of the resolution “On the Supreme of the Law in Russia” Christine Ouland “List of Nemtsov” as an addition to the “Magnitsky list” and “Khodorkovsky list”. The list appears 11 surnames: from Vladimir Putin to Vasily Yakemenko.

And in July 2012, Nemtsov and Harry Kasparov transferred the leader of the Republican Party faction to the US Congress Additions to the “Magnitsky list”, where the head of the CEC Vladimir Churov and the head of the Investigative Committee Alexander Bastrykin, as well as a number of judges and law enforcement officials.
In the fall of 2012, the House of Representatives of the US Congress approved the adoption of the Magnitsky List. Nemtsov and Vladimir Kara-Murza-Ml came to support the bill.
In 2013–2015, up to death, Nemtsov was a deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma. He planned to open in one of the districts of Yaroslavl the square named after Anna Politkovskaya, the observer of Novaya Gazeta, who was killed in the entrance of his house in Moscow in 2006.
“I have a salary ( deputy. - Approx. Ed. ), Which I spend on the construction of playgrounds. I also want to make an Any Politkovskaya square on Sovetskaya Street there. There is an abandoned square next to the History of Demidov University, in terrible condition, but in the very center of the city. I suggested making a square for my money, but I will call his memory Ani Politkovskaya. This is a disgrace, but in Russia, except for a memorial plaque on Lesnaya Street, where she lived, there is no even memorable sign. There is all over the world: there is in Paris, there is in Prague, in Rome there is, in Germany, even the park is the name of Politkovskaya. We have nothing, ” said the politician on the air of“ Rain ”.
In December 2013, the deputy Nemtsov actively supported the Ukrainian Euromaidan. I went to the building of the Embassy of Ukraine in Russia with the banner "Ukraine, you and I!"
During the annexation of Crimea, he sharply criticized Russia for its foreign policy in relation to Ukraine. He categorically opposed the war with Ukraine, in the possibility of which no one had yet believed.
“I am against the war,” Nemtsov said at the “world of the world” in Moscow on March 15, 2014
-I do not want to come to us here, to Moscow, Yaroslavl, Nizhny Novgorod cargo-200. So that our mothers, wives and children cry - I do not want this.
I believe that we have no right to behave like that against a friendly country. This is meanness, this is arrogance. And most importantly - this is to the detriment of Russia. ”
Separately, Nemtsov turned to the Russian military in August 2014:
“At any moment you can be sent (and some have already been sent) to fight with Ukraine. Putin as the Supreme Commander knows perfectly well that the participation of the armed forces in hostilities in the east of Ukraine illegally <...> you took the oath to protect the homeland from enemies, and not to fight with the fraternal Orthodox Ukrainian people. The war with Ukraine is a crime that has no statute of limitations. ”

A few months before the murder in an interview with Radio Liberty:
“I consider Putin’s war against Ukraine a real crime. I want to say right away: this is not a war of Russia and Ukraine. I am against such a definition. This is Putin's war. Absolutely cynical, lying, bloody and fratricidal. Against the fraternal people of Ukraine. Why he is fighting is also clear. All the actions that he performs both within the country and abroad are aimed at the realization of one goal - the retention of power at all costs. Now already lifelong. ”
In September 2014, Nemtsov signed an application with a request to withdraw Russian troops from the territory of Ukraine and stop propaganda, material and military support to armed supporters of self -proclaimed DPR and LPR. ”
And on the day of the murder, three hours before he was shot near the Kremlin, Boris Nemtsov on his last broadcast on Echo of Moscow, telling about plans to conduct an anti -crisis march on March 1, emphasized:
- [Our] political requirements are key: this is an immediate end to the war with Ukraine. The most important reason for the crisis is that Putin has begun crazy, aggressive, deadly for our country and for many citizens, a policy of war with Ukraine.
Boris Nemtsov was fond of tennis, repeatedly played with Yeltsin himself. But with Putin he did not play in his “hockey night league”. By the end of his life, Boris Nemtsov was deeply carried away by Windsurfing.
And, of course, there has always been a heartfelt.
Here without comments. More precisely, with the comment of Nemtsov:
“I can't lock me in a cage. Of course, if I, under house arrest, as Navalny (this measure of restraint by Navalny was elected in the case of Yves Rocher in 2014. - Approx. Ed. ), They will put it, I will probably become a completely family person. There is also family hypocrisy: I don’t understand why people to suffer, pretend that they are doing well, especially if they occupy some position in society, but in fact they quietly hate each other and mock each other. Why the hell is it all necessary? I know that many live like this. I had Anton and Dean out of marriage, and I decided to tell about it, because I wanted my children to have my surname. I had to admit paternity, I recognized him as a normal man, and decided to give an interview. I was amazed at the reaction: people began to call me, for example, from the FSB, generals who wanted to meet with me, and not at all about my socio-political activity, but about how to be. These people hid all their lives that they had illegitimate children, and they did not find the willpower of will to declare this, they were afraid of their wives that there would be problems at work, that they would not be understood. And when they saw that I really told this, they suddenly began to come to me almost like with confession. I said that it is up to you, but in relation to children you should be decent people, otherwise they will grow up and say that I do not have a father. In terms of family conflict, this, of course, is a very large -scale conflict, but in relation to children it is honest. ”
Boris Nemtsov was convinced: in 1917, the Bolsheviks were violated "the natural course of history that would give the opportunity to our country" Russia "to become great and, probably, the most powerful." He called Lenin "outstanding villain." He welcomed the attempts to split the Communist Party of the Communist Party in the early 2000s, but warned that in a country where the “third of the poor” could be replaced by fascist parties. “Instead of the Communists, we will get fascists,” he noted.
Boris Nemtsov is the author of expert reports on which you can study the history of modern Russia: “ Putin. Results ”,“ Luzhkov. Results ", " Putin. Results. 10 years ” , “ Putin. Corruption ” ,“ Putin. The life of a slave on galleys . Palaces, yachts, cars, planes and other accessories ”, “ Winter Olympiad in Subtropics ” .

After the death of Nemtsov, in May 2015, the presentation of his report “Putin. War" . The editors were friends and associates, among whom was Ilya Yashin.
After the execution of Islamic terrorists in January 2015 in Paris, cartoonists from the French magazine Charlie Hebdo, Boris Nemtsov, justified the satirical work of artists, emphasizing that "satire, even mocking, is not a sin." He said that “Islam is in the Middle Ages”, and the incident described the Islamic Inquisition. On January 9, a day after Ramzan Kadyrov critically responded about Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Alexei Venediktov because of their support Charlie Hebdo, Nemtsov wrote on his Facebook page that “Kadyrov violated 144 tbsp. Criminal Code of Russia “Obligion of the legal activity of journalists”. Under this article, Ramzan threatens two years of imprisonment ... Ramzan has already taken everyone out with his threats, but he is sure that Putin will not give him offense, and therefore imprudes every day. ”
On February 27, 2015 at 23:31 Moscow time at the beginning of the Big Moskvoretsky Bridge near Vasilievsky descent, Boris Nemtsov was shot from a pistol with six shots in the back and head. At that time, 23-year-old Anna Duritskaya was with him at that time (she was not injured, but could not remember anything). CCTV cameras on the bridge worked, but it was not possible to get records from them - secret information. On the only video received by the investigation, the moment of murder is blocked by a passing snowman.
A few days later, five natives of Chechnya were detained.
The investigation was concentrated only on the performers and organizers of the murder. The trial went in a military court for less than a year and ended in July 2017. The jury found everyone guilty. Contractors - five people - were sentenced to imprisonment from 11 to 20 years. The alleged killer Zaur Dadaev received twenty years. The alleged organizer is on the international wanted list. Representatives of the Boris Nemtsov family did not agree with the conclusion of the investigation and repeatedly asked to interrogate the head of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov and various senior officials of the republic in this case, but they were refused.

The meme arose in the same trial: “Why didn’t you interrogate (suspect) Ruslan Geremeyev? - asked the investigator SK. “We came to him, knocked on the door, no one opened us.”
In March 2022, 7 years after the murder of a politician, the journalists of Bellingcat, The Insider and the BBC found evidence that during the year before the murder of Nemtsov a person associated with the FSB followed him. The same person, probably, was related to other attempts on the life of the opposition, including Alexei Navalny, Vladimir Kara-Murza and Dmitry Bykov.
The investigation found that a person with a passport addressed to Valery Nikolayevich Sukharev followed Boris Nemtsov at least 13 trips to Russia. At least once, another alleged FSB operative, Alexei Krivoshchekov, joined Sukharev.
The Kremlin then said that the Russian authorities are not related to what the investigation is said.
In July 2023, the European Court of Human Rights concluded that the Russian authorities “could not properly investigate who organized and ordered the murder” and did not take into account the “possible political motives” of what happened. “In general, the investigation turned out to be ineffective,” concluded the ECHR and decided that Russia should pay 20 thousand euros of the daughter of the murdered oppositionist Zhanna Nemtsova (she was the applicant of the complaint) as compensation for moral damage.
After 9 years, the customer of the murder of Boris Nemtsov was never found. As in the case of the murder of Anna Politkovskaya, the customer seems to be not looking for, limiting themselves to the punishment of the performers.
At the time of February 27, 2024 in Russia there is not a single street named after Boris Nemtsov. There are only two memorial boards: in Moscow, on the house of Malaya Ordynka, where he lived, and in Nizhny Novgorod, as well as a memorial of flowers and photographs on the Big Moskvoretsky Bridge near the Kremlin, which is periodically destroyed by ultra -righte activists and city services.
Nemtsov Street is in London and Bratislava, named after Nemtsov is in Prague and Washington (opposite the Russian Embassy), the named after Nemtsov named the squares in Vilnius (also in front of the Russian Embassy) and Kyiv (all the same next to the embassy of the Russian Federation).

The Boris Nemtsov Foundation, established by his eldest daughter Zhanna, each year awards the prize to the Russians "for courage in defending democratic values in Russia." After the beginning of a full -scale invasion of Ukraine, this award was awarded, among other things, ordinary citizens who suffered for their beliefs and criticism of war. Among them are the stoker from Vologda, Vladimir Rumyantsev (is serving for 3 years in a colony in the case of Fakes), pensioner Mikhail Simonov (he is serving a 7-year term in a colony in a similar case) and a journalist from Barnaul Maria Ponomarenko (in a colony for 6 years for Fakes about the Russian army).
In Russia, the authorities did not agree on a single event on February 27, 2024 of Boris Nemtsov’s memory.