Carpathian genius and just a bandit

The path to the power of the "fiery communist" Nikolai Chausko

Romania appeared on the map of the world - on a political map, as a state that became weight in world politics - only after the end of the First World War, in 1918. It was a European province where the majority of the population lived in rural labor. In "Great Romania", as local rulers loved to call it, in 1918, the future dictator was born in the god of the Skornicheti village - or, as he was called, "Balkan Stalin" or "Genius of the Carpathians" - Nikolai Chaushey.

What is this odious ruler famous for? On the one hand, an extravagant personal life: his villa was equipped with gold toilet and luxurious - but tasteless - an interior in the style of the Versailles Palace. As a pets, the Chaustian family kept peacocks. They proudly paced around the yard and puzzled visitors. On the other hand, Chausko managed to surpass his colleague dictators on the scale of the personality cult. Here he simply had no equal: in addition to the usual portraits, his works should have flaunted on all book shelves; in music stores - records with its speeches; Artists, poets artists, architects and musicians without fail were to sing the “secular God” and “demiurge” of the working class of Romania. All the achievements of the country were attributed to the political and economic genius of Chausko. In general, he was colorful - and at the same time gray and inconspicuous. His passion for self -immersion grew from his past shoemaker and an extra peasant son. But how did this man manage to pave his way to power?

Difficult childhood and the first "universities"

He was the third child out of eleven. The father of the future leader is a drunken drunkard and a man who did not fit into a new economic reality - industrialization quickly changed the social landscape of Romania. Little Nika watched his father daily: constant quarrels, squabbles with neighbors and just drunkenness forced to feel shame and humiliation.

Separately, it is worth dwelling on the surname - Chausko. She has always been a favorite subject of mockery from the dictator of Albania Enver Khoja. The fact is that SEAUș - the root of his last name - had a Turkish origin. This surname was bore by employees of the administrative apparatus of the Ottoman Empire, and the lowest rank. Therefore, Enver Khoja, when Chausti began to flirt with the Americans, he said neglect that he was “lining” (Bashchaush) to the Western imperialists - like his ancestors in front of the Turks. Since childhood, Chauserk grew on the legends about the brave Romanian heroes who fearlessly fought with the Turkish invaders. Therefore, his surname gave him double humiliation.

At the age of 11, Chausko had to leave his parental house: his parents could not drag such great offspring on themselves, so he was attached to the apprentice to the shoemaker in the capital - to the city of Bucharest. Board, Alexander Sandulescu, was a member of the Communist Party. Under his influence, Chaushesk made his political choice, which became the first step towards power: four years later Nick became a member of the Communist Party.

He actively participated in the demonstrations and actions of the party, for which he ended up in prison in 1936 - in the Dontan, which was known as the Romanian Bastille. There, Chauseru was waiting for his “universities”: he sat in the same cell with the leader of the Communist Party and the future prime minister of the country Georgiu Dezhheorge.

Later, these political prisoners became known as “graduates of Daftan” - it was they who formed the backbone of the future ruling party. In those conditions, a severity in the prison served as a kind of important stage in the career growth of the politician: having got into prison, Chausko rose, or, more precisely, flew up the ladder of the party career.

After leaving prison in 1938, Chausko quickly received a party appointment - became the secretary of the Central Committee of the Union of Communist Youth of Romania. Until 1939, he was actively engaged in propaganda and tried to light up in the eyes of other party bosses.

Then Ceausescu again ended up in prison, where he “waited” the events of World War II.

The rulers of Romania at that time were forced to choose which side to them to stand in the unprofitable conflict that began. Soviet communists annexed Bessarabia and created the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic on the borders of Romania. German Nazis offered Romania help in the return of lost territories.

The political conflict provoked a wave of terror within the country. Romanian fascists - militants of the "Iron Guard" - mercilessly eliminated their political opponents - the Communists. The "Zheleznogvardists" came to prison in Zhilyava, where Chaluska was sitting, and began to execute the prisoners, but the chauser survived. The legend says that he became friends with the jailers, and they stood in defense.

One of the prominent figures of the Communist Party and subsequently its Secretary General George the Apostle claimed that Chausko was a coward and a boy on the escapes of the jailers. Nevertheless, cooperation with the prison administration did not particularly help him-Chausti was transferred to a concentration camp in Tyrgu-Zhiu, where he sat until 1944, until the Soviet troops were liberated.

From underground to power

After the release from the concentration camp, Chausko took up journalism: he wrote articles and continued to agitate the youth.

However, he clearly lost intellectually to his party comrades: he did not receive a normal school or even more than higher education. He passed only one “university” - a prison. But it turned out, oddly enough, its advantage.

He better understood the people than his educated comrades. In his articles and speeches, Chausero painted a bright communist population in picturesque colors and focused on emotions, and not on intellect. This helped him gain popularity and authority among ordinary communists. Another explanation of the popularity of Chausko was his ethnic origin - he was a Romanian, and for the Romanian Communist Party, which mainly consisted of ethnic minorities (Hungarians, Jews, Germans), it was a valuable asset. With the help of Chausko, the party’s leadership hoped to attract the Romanians to its side, which explains partly its rapid advance along the party line.

In addition to working, a journalist Chausko also performed various tasks of the party - and then he earned a reputation as a person who will stop at anything.

In 1946, Chausheku went to the city of Slavin near Bucharest as an observer in the elections. The day after the vote during a quarrel, he killed the local bank clerk Vasil Lupa in the middle of white day - for refusing to make a “voluntary contribution” to the party’s business and dared to openly criticize the actions of the Communists.

Another remarkable case occurred during the collectivization campaign after the establishment of a one -party communist dictatorship in 1948. Then

Chausko, who recently received the post of Deputy Minister of Agriculture, went to suppress the rebellion of the peasants in the province of the lie: according to eyewitnesses, he picked up a machine gun and personally shot dissatisfied peasants who opposed collectivization.

Career Chaluske quickly went uphill. A little later, he received the title of Lieutenant General, becoming a large army political worker. In 1952 he entered the Central Committee of the party, and in 1954 he became a member of the Politburo. During the events in 1956 in Hungary, the Soviet government attracted the Romanian communists to suppress the Hungarian uprising. Chalus managed to distinguish himself especially - he personally participated in the interrogation of the Hungarian Prime Minister Imre Nadia. For these merits, the Soviet leadership rewarded the Romanian Communists - in 1958 the USSR withdrew its troops from the territory of Romania.

The Romanian leadership actively developed external contacts with various countries, including China. But Chausko was not allowed to foreign affairs. His priority direction was domestic policy, which he took advantage of to strengthen his position. While his comrades in the Politburo traveled with foreign policy tour, he actively formed his support base within the country.

Meanwhile, among the party, the struggle began for who will become the successor to Georgiu-Dazh George. The main opponent of Chaustol was George Apostle. It was him that many have experienced to the place of the first secretary of the party and the head of the country. But Chausko, thanks to painstaking work and his control over the second -University (secret police) and security forces, managed to achieve victory. He actively spy and listened to his one -party members. With the help of conspiracies, fraud and persuasion, he bowed the Politburo to choose himself as a successor to the Georgiu-Dazh George who had died in 1965.

From liberals - to dictators

“... Chausko ... I knew nothing about the real world and believed that the lie and murder of opponents-these are rush sticks that could maintain power to him. ... The reconnaissance apparatus, which was at his disposal, used to subjugate party policy and ensure his coming to power at his disposal. He made every effort to force him to forget about his inconspicuous and colorless past, having realized imperial dreams, ”in such expressions, General of Romanian intelligence, Ion Pocopa, described his former cartridge.

However, General Pachepe, who became an irreconcilable critic of Chausko, invariably paid tribute to his dexterity and resourcefulness.

At that time, the popularity of the policy of the Soviet Union began to quickly decrease. The brutal suppression of the Soviet regime of the 1956 Hungarian uprising and the provocation of the missile crisis in 1962 caused irritation both the international public and the European allies of Moscow and the leaders of the Eastern Bloc-each in their own way-tried to preserve their face. Khrushchev replaced the Leninist theory of the “revolution of the world proletariat” with the policy of “peaceful coexistence”. Alexander Dubchek in Prague relied on “socialism with a human face”, and Vladislav Gomulka in Warsaw - on the slogan: “May Poland be Poland.”

Chalosu proclaimed “independence” from Moscow and began to portray himself with a “dissident” among the communist leaders - so Pachepa explained the motives of the actions of the new Romanian leader.

Indeed, Chaloska managed, without annoying the “old guard”, to quickly gain popularity among the educated part of the population, softening the political and especially economic regime. Enterprises received limited self -government, foreign literature appeared on the shelves of bookstores, and Romanians stopped going to prison for conversations with foreigners. They even turned off the silencers fighting with the "enemy voices." Chalus himself spoke that culture should develop freely, that the intelligentsia liked, and that Romania should remain Romanian, which also found understanding in society, since many were afraid of the country's Sovietization.

At the same time, Chaushescu “exposed” the “unprecedented” cult of the personality of Georgiu-Dezh and allowed people to see the luxury and wealth of the palace of the former ruler.

The top of the liberalism of Chausko was 1968, when the Prague Spring under the caterpillars of Soviet tanks turned into winter. But Chausheska not only did not send the Romanian contingent to Czechoslovakia, but even openly opposed the violation of the Czechoslovak sovereignty.

Speaking at a rally in Bucharest, Chausko said that “there is no and cannot be justified to military interference in the internal affairs of the fraternal socialist state,” and also that “no one has the right to indicate what the path of socialist construction in each individual country should be.”

In Moscow, the words of the Romanian leader were met without enthusiasm, but the West was delighted, because the Warsaw Treaty openly cracked. However, the Pochepa explained, in the USSR they quickly “forgave” the “dissidentity” of Chaushesku, making sure that the regime of his personal dictatorship could not serve as an example for citizens of the USSR - unlike “socialism with a human face”, which they tried to build in Czechoslovakia.

The population also welcomed the actions of Chausko, and the general secretary did not slow down to take advantage of its popularity.

In 1969, the X Congress of the Romanian Communist Party was held, at which two -thirds of the deputies were nominants of Chausko himself, who answered in due time to personnel questions. The congress demonstrated the loyalty of the party to the new leader, after which the "old guard" was finally eliminated from power.

As General Pashpe recalled, for a start, Chaloska renamed the Great National Assembly (the Romanian analogue of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR) to the Parliament, added several religious leaders to it and declared all this to the country's governing body.

Of course, the “parliament” remained the same puppet structure as before. Further, Chausko publicly turned to the Communist Party with an appeal to reduce his influence on the management of the country and its economy. Then Chauseru phasedly staged a decentralization of the economy and the introduction of the principle of nomination of local elections on two lists, and also announced the campaign to combat corruption and drunkenness.

Having implemented all this, Chausti created the position of “president” in the country with broad leadership powers and awarded himself with it. And having concentrated the power in his hands, Chausko dismissed liberalism - both in politics and in the economy. And the struggle with excesses and corruption turned into the fact that Chausko himself began to live in turn in twenty -one luxuriously furnished palace, forty -one “residence” and twenty hunting houses. The media of Romania was called Chauserka “the most beloved son of the people”, “the guarantor of the progress and independence of the country” and “an employee from workers” and even “a full -flowing Danube of the mind”.

For Romania, a new era began, which the court flatterers dubbed the "golden age of chauscu."

How it ended - we know.

... In fact, the path of Chausko to power is strikingly resembles the path of Stalin: both natives from the lower classes, uneducated and devoid of charisma, unlike their rivals in the person of the apostle or Trotsky.

However, these people had a truly penalty character, lack of sentimentality and a gangster past. Such features favored the struggle for power in which they successfully won. Balkansky Stalin learned the lessons of Stalin of Moscow well.