Why is the experience of a matat important

From the book of Alexander Ryzhkov "City and carriers"

In the book “City and Carriers”, Urbanist Alexander Ryzhkov, using the example of public transport, shows how the interaction of the state, business and society can lead to catastrophic consequences for everyone, and sometimes on the contrary. We offer to read an excerpt dedicated to the phenomenon of the matat - Kenyan minibuses, self -advanced there, where the normal buses did not reach.

Starting from February 24, 2022, we were all in the face of the advancing barbarism, violence and lies. In this situation, it is extremely important to preserve at least the remnants of culture and support the values ​​of humanism - including for the sake of the future of Russia. Therefore, the editorial office of Gorky will continue to talk about books, reminding our readers that the world remains in the world and fiction.

Alexander Ryzhkov. City and carriers: History of transport reforms. M.: Publishing House of the Higher School of Economics, 2024. Content

Often the reforms are not prepared carefully enough, carried out straight or inconsistent, and their implementation is determined by the level of qualifications of authorities and the presence of the resistance of entrepreneurs.

An interesting example is the minibus system in Nairobi, the capital of Kenya. This experience does not always demonstrate successful attempts to regulate paratrasitis without the construction of a high -speed bus system.

Minibuses here are known under the local name Matatu (Matatu). Matata is far from perfect transport. He is criticized for obsolete and unsafe buses, competition on the streets of the city, poor working conditions and the state of infrastructure, lack of control by the authorities. Nevertheless, an alternative to a matat does not exist. In 2012, the network consisted of 135 routes, which used 9.5 thousand buses. About 99% of residents are provided with matte routes in pedestrian availability, and from half to two -thirds they regularly use them.

The legalization of the industry is the first president

The history of the emergence of the matat is typical. Minibuses appeared after Kenia gained independence in 1963. At first, the new government relied on the formal carrier of Kenya Bus Service (KBS), the heir to the British company of the colonial period. However, after the cancellation of the segregation regime in the city, the rapid growth of the population began. Although the carrier had an official monopoly for transportation, he could not fully fulfill his obligations: there were not enough buses, the routes did not serve many areas. Breesh in transport services encouraged residents to carry out transportation on their own.

The first informal entrepreneurs had neither the means nor the experience of doing business. At first, they used old van, pickups and complexes, adapted by local mechanics from improvised parts, only then minibuses appeared. However, even being in this position, entrepreneurs were able to get ahead of the formal carrier: they surpassed it in just a couple of years in terms of transportation. They owe their success to the work where people needed them. In particular, they made their way off -road to illegal settlements.

At the initial stage, the matat was completely illegal. They violated the monopoly of the existing carrier, did not have documents on the suitability of vehicles for operation, forged or bought documents on the passage of inspections. But no prohibitions worked, like police raids. In a difficult situation, entrepreneurs simply gave bribes. With an increase in the park, the matat began to be perceived by the state as an inevitable and indestructible evil.

The rapid development of the matat occurred after 1973, when the first president of the country of Jomo Keniat adopted the law (Kenyatta's Decree), which actually legalizes matata. All restrictions on their work were removed, but no regulation measures were provided. It was no longer required to undergo inspection, and it was possible to work on any routes.

According to the classification of Robert Server according to the degree of strictness of regulation, the president of Kenya chose the approach to tolerance (ignoring) informal transportation. The reasons for this decision were partly in the impossibility of monitoring this business, partly in populist considerations to remove restrictions from local, lower business.

The consequences of this step were difficult. On the one hand, the number of vehicles doubled in just a few months, which allowed to reduce the severity of the transport problem. On the other hand, the system quickly discredited itself.

For transportation, strange vehicles like adapted freight, police and prison cars were used. With an increase in the number of vehicles, the culture of the industry has also changed. Entrepreneurs began to increase the requirements for daily revenue of drivers, leaving funds only for food, which forced to work until 18 hours every day without days off and compete with each other on the streets. Dangerous driving and riding with a crowded salon became the norm. There were periodically accidents with dozens of dead. The marginality of the industry was emphasized by the presence at the largest stops.

The uncontrolled business led to the response from the inside. The most conscious entrepreneurs began to be self-organized by forming the National Association of Owners of Matatu Matatu Vehicle Owners Association (MVOA) in the late 1970s. Entrepreneurs who did not suit the situation in the industry advocated compulsory insurance, the introduction of licenses, prohibitions of unsuitable vehicles, and the refusal to invoke drivers.

An attempt to regulate the second president

Changes in state policy occurred only in 1978 after the death of the first president. His successor Daniel Arap was a supporter of increased regulation. It all started with the restoration of police control over the availability of insurance policies and inspection documents. Raids were carried out, as a result of which entrepreneurs simply abandoned old buses.

In 1984, the Matatu Bill Law was approved. The main innovation was the emergence of licenses - documents that allowed the use of a specific bus on a certain route. In addition, in order to increase safety, the following requirements were introduced: the minimum age of the driver is 24 years, four years of experience, annual inspection, a ban on the transportation of standing passengers and compulsory liability insurance for harm to passengers. Without fulfilling these conditions, the license was not issued.

Potentially, the law could receive support for advanced entrepreneurs. However, in practice, their reaction was perplexity and discontent. The law was a surprise to carriers, as it was adopted without consultations with them. The hope of trust and partnership was destroyed by him.

As a result, the fifth of the buses, in principle, could not undergo the first technical inspection. Their owners were forced to instantly stop working, not having the opportunity to adapt to the law. To control the condition of the buses, police raids were carried out. Cars went overflowing, which could not but indign the passengers.

The government recreated a large formal carrier - the state company Nayao Bus Service (NBS). She received 300 buses in the form of humanitarian aid from Japan, Denmark and the Netherlands, and used the free work of the state youth organization of National Youth Service (NYS) as labor. In addition, companies allocated subsidies from the state budget, thanks to which it could work with low tariffs and compete with the matat. And although she did not last long (from 1986 to 1992) and stopped her work due to the lack of spare parts, managed to strongly set up carriers against herself: working parallel with her, the deer drivers were forced to violate all reasonable rules in order to earn money. From their point of view, the president pursued a policy that declares security in words and inconsistent in practice, developing a civilian. They perceived this as the President’s personal hostility to the matat, for which the whole industry criticized the president. Associations (primarily MVOA), which previously tried to obtain the recognition of the state and cooperate with it, became its opponents. The strikes of drivers began.

The 1988 year became the turning point when, after the collision of three crowded minibuses and the death of 27 passengers, the police held the largest raid. In response, the first national strike was followed by the Matata, paralyzing the country. This caused the anger of the president, and he ordered to ban all the associations of Matata. Personally, the head of MVOA was imprisoned without a trial, and having gone out of the wild, he no longer participated in the work of the industry.

After the prohibition of associations, the industry lost creative and consolidating forces. The President transferred the functions of transporting the transport of another youth organization - Kanu Youth Wingers, KYW (Youth Front of the National Union of Africans Kenya - the ruling party at that time). Initially, she participated in public control over various fields, including transport. But in practice, their work came to receive bribes for the opportunity to arrange stops at the terminals.

The problem worsened in 1992, when, after weakening the ruling party, the youth organization was dissolved. Its former participants began to form criminal groups, the number of the largest of them - Mungiki - was estimated at a million people during the heyday. Since the mid-1990s, she controlled the main bus terminals of the country, imposing entrepreneurs, drivers and conductors with various siders. Under the threat of murder, everyone was forced to obey the criminal dictate.

Mungiki parasitized in the industry during the 1990–2000s. In a sense, she even benefited existing entrepreneurs, as she prevented the arrival of new participants and strengthening competition, which allowed to maintain the income level. But as a criminal group of Mungicia, could not allow a matat to grow. This example shows that the transport industry requires consolidating forces. Either it will be the state, or the associations of entrepreneurs, or crime.

Introduction of Michuki Rules by the Third President

New changes followed only with the change of president. The third president of Mvai Kibaki began with constructive actions. He pursued the leaders of criminal groups, some received prison terms. The role of crime decreased significantly. Soon, with the support of the authorities, two associations were created: the owners of Matata (Matatu Owners Association, Moa) and Matatu Welfare Association, MWA).

In 2003, the president approved the so -called rules of Michuki Rules, which was the ideologist of which was the Minister of Transport John Michuki. The rules were reduced to several requirements: equipping buses with speed limiters, using belts of security belts by passengers, passing by drivers and conductors of police checks, using uniforms and badges, designating the route and the number of buses, the presence of a yellow strip on the body. The law also entrusted the Association for the obligation to control terminals.

The associations were not again attracted to the formulation of the law, and the changes were a surprise. The main problem was the ill -conceived implementation of the law. There were extremely compressed terms (two months) to bring in accordance with the new requirements. Bus maintenance points were instantly filled, the lines formed. Many problems were created artificially. For example, only one company affiliated with the authorities received the right to equip bus limiters. When it became clear that the terms were unrealistic, they were extended, but only two months, which could not change the situation. In early 2004, about half of the initial number of buses worked in Nairobi, in early 2004. The rest were afraid to go out into the streets due to police control. Many drivers and conductors could not pass the necessary checks in the police. The situation normalized only after a while.

At first, the law achieved the goal - to increase the safety of transportation. But in just a few years, everything rolled back. After the ideologist of the law left the government, the police instead of strict control returned to the practice of requisitions.

The development of self -organization

The new stage is associated with the growth of the self -organization of the industry. Since the 1990s, some entrepreneurs began to unite in the so-called savings and credit cooperatives (Savings and Credit Cooperatives, Sacco). These are voluntary organizations whose members are required to regularly pay contributions. The contributions are calculated taking into account the depreciation of buses and go to pay for the repair and purchase of new vehicles, which allows members of cooperatives to more or less regularly update the park.

Cooperatives are not alien to Kenya Institute. They were little used in the field of passenger transportation, but for decades successfully worked in other areas. Over time, the SACCO cooperatives became a good platform to solve the problem of updating buses, naturally fitting into the Kenyan business environment and waking up the support of entrepreneurs.

In 2010, the government decided to encourage the creation of cooperatives and included a clause on membership in one of them as a prerequisite for obtaining a new license for transportation. Thus, the authorities decided to cope with the problem of the operation of old and worn minibuses. When the transportation business is built on daily income and cash, entrepreneurs take into account only operating costs: fuel, work of drivers and current maintenance of buses, but ignore the shock absorption, and cooperatives opened up for their members for a long -term perspective.

The popularization of cooperatives, in contrast to previous attempts by the state in any way to influence the state of transportation, was positively perceived by the industry. Only three years later, over 500 minibus cooperatives were registered. Now they are considered the main driving force of transportation in Kenya. In addition to basic tasks for saving funds for updating the bus park, they also perform many others. The most developed collect the freight fee with their own conductors, introduce a non -cash system of fares and organize the work of drivers with permanent wages without the so -called plan system. Using satellite monitoring of movement, dispatch on terminals, insurance and legal support. The largest cooperatives even acquire their own buses, thereby gradually transforming from associations of entrepreneurs into full -fledged carriers.