We got to the boiler

The arrest of the deputy Shoigu is a logical result of the interest of the security forces in incredible budgets that fell into the military department after the start of his

On the evening of April 24, the Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation Shoigu with some delay removed from the post of his deputy Timur Ivanov. The actual state adviser of the 1st class (corresponds to the title of Army General) Ivanov a day before was arrested and placed in Lefortovo on charges of receiving a bribe. The detention of the official was personally authorized by the Supreme Commander. His spokeswoman Peskov said that the Minister of Defense was also reported in advance. How “in advance” it remains to be guessed, because a couple of hours before the arrest, the minister and the deputy were quite peacefully talked. Maybe warned in a quarter of an hour?

The team of Sergei Shoigu, having already managed to work at a number of responsible posts, Timur Ivanov joined as the deputy head of government of the Moscow Region in 2012, when he was the governor of the region. After the appointment of Shoigu by the Minister of Defense, he headed the construction holding of the ministry, and in 2016 he became the deputy minister responsible for the construction of housing, including military mortgages, and objects of the Ministry of Defense (submarine base, airfields, military towns, secret government facilities), and the medical support of the RF Armed Forces. He headed the construction of the main temple of the Armed Forces of Russia and the Patriot Park, participated in the construction of the Vostochny cosmodrome, the restoration of Mariupol.

There is no doubt that the official of the highest category that graduated from the ICSU of Moscow State University is an experienced and gifted manager. He got an inheritance in the construction complex of the Moscow Region. The predecessors managed to conclude many contracts for the construction of special facilities with the owner of the specializing at the facilities of the special construction of Titan-2, Grigory Naginsky, who also managed to serve as deputy minister of defense with similar functions.

To say that Naginsky could not cope with the timing, volumes and quality - to say nothing. The matter quickly went to a difficult crisis. After all, special construction is characteristic not only of increased coefficients that form profits, but also with the ability to hide the flows of finance in the field of state secrets.

Is it any wonder that the deputy minister of defense Naginsky chose his own holding or close structures in the contractors for the most profitable contracts? But if the runway for strategic aviation bursts in half due to non-compliance with technologies and construction norms (more correctly to say-reduce the cost), the generals begin to be indignant. This is the flip side of special construction - the highest responsibility fraught with large risks, up to environmental disasters.

At the time of the removal of Naginsky from the post of expired objects, on which the advances were completely wasted (workers were sitting without a salary), made up of dozens of positions. Having received such “appendage” to the post, Timur Ivanov transformed with the consent of Shoigu and Putin the construction sector of the Ministry of Defense in a very specific form of a public law company. He told Novaya Gazeta about the problems of that time and the essence of the reform in an interview in 2019.

Now they had to build the military themselves, to make estimates themselves, to report themselves. In short, instead of an extraneous monopoly that the predecessor tried to build, his own was created. A similar situation was in the USSR, when, for example, the Ministry of Councils of the Minor put forward proposals, painted projects on their basis, gave them an assessment, built, accepted the object and evaluated the result to himself.

If in the future they prove that at his post Timur Ivanov really used his official position and an industry monopoly for enrichment on the scale that are shown today in the investigations of journalists (although when mastering such huge budgets this is surprisingly modest amounts),

We will have to admit that he knew how to not only enrich himself, but also build, unlike many others. And he received the title of Honored Builder of Russia not from scratch.

By the time of the detention, Ivanov was considered one of the closest to the Minister of Defense as an employee who, on his behalf, performed the most expensive, complex, including delicate, tasks. Since the defense budget of Russia grew from 3.5 trillion rubles in 2021 to almost 11 trillion in the current (almost 70%growth), through his hands, figuratively speaking, trillions are already passing.

In the first messages, he appeared the size of a bribe of a million rubles, or “more than a million”. But at such a scale of production, would Timur Vadimovich generally give himself the work of bending to bend if a million was just lying on the floor?

Apparently, understanding the absurdity of the first news, sources from law enforcement agencies after a day overestimated the cost of the service presented by the investigation in the form of a bribe, up to a billion rubles. Well, this is more like reality.

A number of investigators immediately pointed out their previous works, where they evaluated not just the glamorous lifestyle of Ivanov (he was brought to this brilliant and unreliable world of the spouse), namely, non -coherent family expenses, which are not knitting with the image of the military. But it is worth remembering that in the state built in our country, such investigations are rarely in demand. An integrated assessment of the official’s work for a particular period and administrative (or even criminal) decisions against him - a political action, the highest prerogative of the authorities, outsiders cannot intervene here.

For such an assessment, specific tools have been created, which in countries with a traditional separation of powers do not exist. First of all, this is an unspoken observation, in addition to all other control bodies. Here is a quote, an interview with the current inhabitant of the Lefortovo prison Novaya Gazeta ended with these words:

Timur Ivanov:

“ - Then, all the more, the issue of monitoring the spending of such a huge amount of money will always be in the first place.

“It doesn't scare us.” We are controlled by colleagues in the military -industrial complex, we are controlled by the Accounts Chamber, we are controlled by the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation, we are controlled by the president, undoubtedly, as the Supreme Commander -in -Chief. ”

This is useful to read to anyone who with great hopes enters the bureaucratic brotherhood of Russia. After all, Timur Vadimovich, who just like the predecessor at the post, began to involve friends and trusted partners to the projects, in this bold statement he did not call the main sworn controller of the Ministry of Defense - a military counterintelligence, the mighty political lever of President Putin. This is worth stopping in more detail.

The public, as a rule, is confused by the adjective “military” - it seems that this part of counterintelligence refers to the Ministry of Defense and obeys Shoigu. In fact, this is the same classic third head of the KGB of the USSR, inherited by the counterintelligence of the new Russia (now FSB) under Yeltsin without a special transformation of functions and tasks. The main one when working in the highest bodies of military administration is to prevent the recruitment of our generals with foreign intelligence.

If you list the basics of recruitment approaches in modern Russia, then corruption will inevitably arise in the first place. Having convicted the thief and collecting the necessary evidence, foreign intelligence will almost guaranteedly lead him to obedience. And the more he steals, the more afraid of exposure, the more reliable he sits on the hook. In the common people, this is called a foreign word "compromising evidence."

Thus, the first thing that counterintelligence should know is who in the department, how and how much steals.

It is the study of corruption schemes, contracts, unspoken bureaucratic unions that the main weapon of counterintelligence. She receives this information from official sources and from agents.

As for the documents, the most important of them will be stored for the future in copies, so that if necessary, do not turn to other people's archives. The ministry cannot refuse this employees who have appropriate admission to work with secret documents. The Chekists who are seconded to the department themselves go through the corridors without hiding - this is a normal situation.

Well, the agents in any ministry are recruited on the basis of patriotic beliefs (this is when the agent hopes for the help of the operative worker in solving official and sometimes personal problems) and the same compromising evidence. Since we have been in abundance since the days of Alexander Sergeyevich, there are no problems with agents either. Moreover, high titles are not at all a guarantee from the obsessive attention of the operatives.

In Russia, the number of general posts has long exceeded any need and continues to increase. Now the general in household perception is more likely to equate with the colonel in the USSR. And there is no pet, the FSB can turn another general into a source without extraordinary efforts.

Therefore, Timur Ivanov has not been in development for five years, according to sources of journalists. As soon as he received his position, he immediately became an object of study, and all contracts and other documents signed by him were archived for future operational developments. In the Soviet Union, such interest would be called the "preliminary study business." The agents for a new object are usually ready.

And this is not malicious persecution - this is a traditional system in the absence of a competition, retractions, counterweights and public control. For many years in the corridors of the departments there is a hidden struggle of officials and the Operations, designed to follow them. From the first day, Timur Ivanov knew this and perfectly represents what documents and capabilities people have the people who decided to start the attack on the Ministry of Defense.

Since at the tip of the struggle that broke into the public in the form of the arrest of the deputy minister, there are employees of the special services, we can confidently assume that the security forces are interested. So far, the details do not allow to indicate a specific center of the decision, we are talking about law enforcement agencies in general. But since counterintelligence officers have great opportunities in other people's departments, they have long realized their personal departmental interest.

Counterintelligence is often not just a control tool, but also a beneficiary. This is also evidenced by scandals when, during a search, a Chekist find billions in boxes from under the boots. In addition to banal awards and raises for the successes, the leadership of law enforcement agencies in the same way as all other officials of Russia seeks to control spheres outside of its functionality.

By coincidence in these areas, a lot of money is concentrated, and most of those interested in objects relate to budget organizations - and Chekists are required to ensure their safety by law.

The largest recipient of money since the beginning is the Ministry of Defense, as a customer of defense products and the organization that provides the needs of the front. And these funds have long been interested in the security forces. Not the mythical Stateismman of Ivanov, namely, the cash flows that passed through his hands, which were most difficult to imagine, probably became the main motive of people who arouse the investigation against him. But here the everyday question arises: Ivanov “supervised and brought” all these trillions on his own initiative or carried out an order?

Observers who sympathize with the Minister of Defense call his associates a team. Critics call them a clan. One way or another, but at the top of this departmental pyramid, united by common interest, in addition to Shoigu, his deputies Ruslan Tsalikov and Timur Ivanov are located. They sit next to the Minister in all news stories of state TV. A separate role is assigned to Nikolai Pankov: the state secretary of the Ministry of Defense has the most directly related to the selection and education of future generals, he supports them further relations and ensures a unified understanding of the current policy of the ministry. All these diverse personal connections of dozens of people who, according to the principle of personal loyalty, were placed on posts up to the headquarters of the districts and even lower, and make up a huge sphere of influence of Sergei Kuzhuhetovich.

Neither the Supreme Commander -in -Chief of Putin, nor his administration on the eve of the special military operation of his military leaders, with the exception of a dozen names at the very top, really did not know - too voluminous task.

Therefore, it is very likely that the obvious professional weakness of so many generals has become a revelation for the president. Not only did the Ministry of Eastern reverence be built on the traditions of eastern reverence of the ministry to the detriment of the initiative (and at the front this is the number one quality!) - the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff still cannot decide on the mass advancement of new generals who showed themselves to the posts above the corps. They do not know them, and therefore do not trust in the political sense.

It turned out that the command in a combat situation was a continuous stress, a severe psyche test, and not calm analysis of the exercises. Do not neglect age -related differences: young Ukrainian generals may not sleep for four days where the Russian military leader of the 2021 model can hardly withstand sleepless days. And the ability to quickly adapt to sharp changes in the means of armed struggle and tactics among the highest ranks of the General Staff and the Ministry of Defense could be better.

Therefore, literally the next morning, after the arrest of Timur Ivanov, many Z-bloggers of Russia with great enthusiasm supported the investigation. One described his delight lapidarously: "We waited!" The ultrapatriots have their own priorities. In Russia, a shaft of hope for reforms in the Ministry of Defense and the field of military administration rolled.

Therefore, for front -line soldiers, it is more important not to arrest, but the depth of the investigation, implying personnel changes, and the figure of Minister Shoigu itself. He is such a skilled and reasonable official (you can even say sophisticated) that he managed to survive and maintain hardware positions in the most unfavorable circumstances. Therefore, I do not exclude that the position and cash flows that Ivanov previously controlled will have to transfer to the one who will be appointed from the outside, but he will remain at the head of the Ministry of Defense.

Since Timur Ivanov knows a lot about confidential processes in the Ministry of Defense, he is an ideal witness. If he starts to tell, many will fall under the blow. Moreover, searches are already passing throughout the country.

Is Putin's replacement candidates is unknown. When a new composition of the government is announced, something can be clarified.

Events are just unfolding. Soon the political plan of the president, which, undoubtedly, is at the head of these events. Now everything looks so that the growth of the Minister of Defense decided to equalize with politicians and senior officials that received too much growth during the redistribution of the budget of the Minister of Defense. No one should have authority and budget is strikingly more, and such elevations are especially anxious among officials with epaulets - everyone remembers that even one individual Prigozhin can do.