Non-Chechen war.

A tour of Ramzan Kadyrov's army, which is growing despite the war in Ukraine

Alexey Korostelev, December 11, 2024

Ramzan Kadyrov is the only Russian official who has his own army under his command. And despite the fact that Russia is waging a bloody war with Ukraine, and Ramzan himself regularly calls himself Putin’s foot soldier, his army is only growing, and instead of Kadyrov’s men, not Chechens, but people from all over the country are participating in the most brutal battles under the Akhmat brand. Kadyrov built his army for 20 years - now it is thousands of fighters and a confusing structure. We figured it out in the new issue of “Project.Details”

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Chapter 1

The Force Awakens

Ramzan's guard began to take shape during the lifetime of his father Akhmat Kadyrov. “Kadyrovites” were then called the soldiers of the security service of the first president of Chechnya, which was headed by Kadyrov Jr.

Akhmat Kadyrov in an interview with Vladimir Solovyov in 2002: “My son has been armed in his hands since 1994. Today he protects the head of the administration of the Chechen Republic. This means I have 60 security people. I would prefer 600 or 6000"

At that moment, Kadyrov’s supporters were mainly former militants who fought for the ideas of the separatists, and later went over to Moscow’s side: for example, the chief of staff of Akhmat Kadyrov’s security service, Artur Akhmadov.

On May 13, 2004, four days after the death of Akhmat Kadyrov, Akhmadov spoke on behalf of the Kadyrovites at the stadium in Tsentroroy, where fighters loyal to Kadyrov gathered. He asked Vladimir Putin to appoint his son Akhmat Ramzan as head of Chechnya, although he was not old enough to be the president of the republic.

Arthur Akhmadov, chief of staff of the Security Service of Akhmat Kadyrov. Speech before Kadyrov’s men on May 13, 2004: “No one else can so consistently and selflessly follow the path laid down by you and President Kadyrov as the son of Akhmat-Khadzhi, Ramzan Akhmatovich”

Three thousand fighters then gathered at the stadium in Tsentoroi, and the total number of all Kadyrovites at that time could reach five thousand. Ramzan himself would have been at that gathering.

According to Muslim custom, on the day when Kadyrov’s supporters gathered in Tsentoroi to swear allegiance to the new leader, Kadyrov was supposed to receive condolences at home. But from the stadium he went to the airport and flew to Moscow.

Among the speakers was Ramzan Kadyrov’s now right-hand man Adam Delimkhanov, who at the beginning of the 2000s headed the so-called oil regiment. This unit was created to protect Chechen oil wells.

Adam Delimkhanov, commander of the “oil regiment” in 2001. Interview with Channel One: “We must establish order ourselves, no one will restore it if we don’t want it ourselves.”

Of course, the regiment not only guarded oil - in fact, they were the same guardsmen who were engaged in clearing villages, torturing and kidnapping people who were called terrorists.

In 2000, a republican OMON was created in Chechnya - a detachment of 400 people, which was recruited exclusively from locals.

Its first commander was policeman Musa Gazimagomadov, who never fought against federal troops - a rarity for a representative of the Chechen elite of that time. In 2003, he died unexpectedly - a KAMAZ crashed into his car.

It was believed that the commander of the Chechen riot police was in opposition to the president of the republic. As Novaya Gazeta wrote, the unit’s fighters considered Gazimagomadov’s mysterious death as retribution for disloyalty to Kadyrov.

Another guard of Akhmat Kadyrov, Ruslan Alkhanov, became the new commander of the riot police. After him, the riot police were headed by another guard we knew, Artur Akhmadov.

The one who read the appeal to Putin on behalf of the security forces.

In 2006, Ramzan suspected Akhmadov of plotting against himself. He will lose his post in the law enforcement agencies and begin to beg for forgiveness through songs. In the literal sense, Akhmadov will create a rock band called “President”.

In 2024, it will become clear that Akhmadov is now fighting in Ukraine. Apparently, he continues to beg for forgiveness.

And the Chechen riot police became Kadyrov’s back in 2003. Around the same time, riot police in transport appeared in Chechnya, and to this day they guard all roads, train stations and the airport of the republic.

A couple of weeks after the death of Akhmat Kadyrov in 2004, a special-purpose police regiment appeared under the leadership of another Kadyrov security guard, Alambek Yasaev. Now Yasaev is an assistant to the head of Chechnya, and before that he headed the Security Council of the republic.

In 2005, a special rapid reaction detachment was created in Chechnya - SOBR - which was led for a long time by Abuzaid Vismuradov, Kadyrov’s childhood friend.

In 2006, the “North” and “South” battalions were formed, headed by Adam Delimkhanov’s brother Alibek and Muslim Ilyasov, again from among Kadyrov’s guards.

Formally, all Kadyrov’s regiments and battalions were assigned to the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Then, in the mid-2000s, Kadyrov was not the absolute ruler of Chechnya - because of his age, he could not even be appointed to the post of president. Different clans fought for power in the republic - they all had their own armed units. Even within Kadyrov’s police army there were dissatisfied people who were brave enough to openly oppose Ramzan.

This is clearly illustrated by a series of conflicts that ended with the defeat of Ramzan’s competitors. All of their units, in one form or another, also joined Kadyrov’s army.

In 2006, immediately after his appointment as commander of the “South” battalion, Muslim Ilyasov literally scored Kadyrov’s gun. Novaya Gazeta described this conflict, which was more like a medieval gathering of armies that did not end in battle: units loyal to Kadyrov and those who were tired of Ramzan met in the field, for example, part of the oil regiment that refused to pay contributions to Akhmat Kadyrov’s fund. The numerical superiority was not on the side of the future head of Chechnya. But Moscow was behind him - so in the end Kadyrov managed to defeat all his enemies. Ilyasov was quickly removed from command, and “Yug” remained loyal to Ramzan.

A little earlier, Kadyrov managed to deal with units of other law enforcement agencies that were subordinate to other influential Chechens.

First there was the “Highlander” detachment, assigned to the FSB, the former guard of Akhmat Kadyrov, Movladi Baysarov - in the same 2006, the detachment was blocked in the building of a local vocational school for insubordination. Baysarov himself was killed in the center of Moscow.

Adam Delimkhanov fired a control shot to the head.

Next was the turn of the Vostok battalion, which was formally assigned to the Main Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defense, but was actually subordinate to Ramzan’s enemies - the Yamadayev clan.

The peak of the confrontation occurred in 2008. In April, Kadyrov’s men crashed into the car of Vostok fighters at the exit from Gudermes, and they died. In order not to intensify the confrontation, the Yamadayevs decided not to come to the funeral of their people - otherwise it would have been a political action.

But one of the brothers, Badrudi, finally arrived. And on the day of the funeral I saw Kadyrov’s motorcade passing through Gudermes.

Badrudi Yamadayev and his people in their cars caught up with Kadyrov and forced him to stop. Yamadayev demanded that Kadyrov get out of the car. Ramzan did not do this for a long time, but still came out and said that the death of the Vostok fighters was a tragic accident. On this, in general, they parted ways, but it was a blow to the reputation of Kadyrov, who after the incident first launched an information attack on the Yamadayevs - he yelled at Badrudi in absentia at a government meeting:

“And today my younger brother, who was supposed to serve time in Argun or Gudermes, is at home. Today he is free and not only free, but also armed.”

And later he began a real hunt for the Yamadayevs: in the same April, Vostok was blocked by Kadyrov’s security forces, and in September 2008, Ruslan Yamadayev was shot in front of the White House in Moscow. In November, Vostok was disbanded, and in March 2009, its commander Sulim Yamadayev was killed.

So Kadyrov literally conquered Chechnya - all the enemies are dead, the war on terrorism even formally ended, but he did not disband the army.

In 2021, Ramzan renamed all of his divisions, so now it’s easy to get confused about them. In total, there are seven units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the National Guard, each of which now bears the name of Akhmat Kadyrov - OMON named after Akhmat Kadyrov, SOBR named after Akhmat Kadyrov, and so on.

Now, when appointing commanders of his army, Kadyrov no longer makes personnel mistakes. For example, the police regiment named after Akhmat Kadyrov is commanded by Zamid Chalaev, a native of the same teip Benoy as Kadyrov. All his brothers also hold positions in the security forces of Chechnya, and Kadyrov goes to their parents for dinner. His fighters catch and kill the enemies of the head of Chechnya, and one can become an enemy simply for disagreeing with Kadyrov or simply being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

In 2021, after the publication of the regiment’s atrocities, its commander received the “Hero of Russia” star.

Chalaev's subordinates beat the detainees with polypropylene tubes like these. The use of plumbing for torture is a recognizable Chechen style: after beating with such a pipe, bright bruises remain on the body.

In early December, Ukrainian drones hit the barracks of Chalaev’s regiment. The attack turned out to be very sensitive - on the day of Kadyrov’s direct line with the people.

Ramzan responded to this blow in his characteristic manner, like a PR man: he organized an Instagram rally in an infantry fighting vehicle and invited Ukrainian prisoners to shoot themselves.

In a similar way, Kadyrov responded to the attack on the special forces university at the end of October - almost all of his commanders, who were supposed to be at the front, ended up in Gudermes, where they assessed the reputational damage from the drone strike. The building itself was not particularly damaged.

The Chechen riot police, which at the beginning of the 2000s was headed by the rebellious Gazimagomadov, is now commanded by 35-year-old Anzor Bisaev with the call sign “Fighter”. Before the invasion of Ukraine, the unit, like Bisayev himself, became famous for a fight with riot police from the Vityaz unit during tests for a maroon beret. “Vityaz” was dissatisfied with the fact that Kadyrov’s men were cheating - they were given lifts in cars during forced marches. A fight ensued, which was long denied by propagandists.

Prior to this, Chechen oppositionist Ibragim Yangulbaev accused Bisayev and other commanders of electrocution in the police department.

During the war in Ukraine, Bisayev and his squad probably tortured people in the Kyiv region - Ukrainian security forces are looking for him for torturing a minor.

Anzor ended up in the riot police not only due to his sadistic inclinations. His family is close to Adam Delimkhanov. His father Saladi Bisaev works for Delimkhanov - at least he received a salary from the construction company Niiso, previously associated with Delimkhanov’s relatives. His other relatives served and are still serving in Kadyrov’s troops

The current commanders in Kadyrov’s army are the second generation of Chechen guardsmen. These are no longer former generals of the separatist troops. Even though these people are often unsuitable for their profession, these are fighters whom Kadyrov himself raised and trusts, they are ready for any sadistic order from their boss.

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Chapter 2

Power multiplication

With the start of the war in Ukraine, Kadyrov’s army began to grow - in less than three years, the number of units from Chechnya more than doubled.

Ten units are new formations. Eight are formally subordinate to the Ministry of Defense, two to the Russian Guard. Two more units were created back in the 2000s, but after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Kadyrov’s people were appointed there.

It is unknown exactly how many fighters are in Kadyrov’s army, but he regularly organizes reviews of security forces.

At the end of February 2022, 12 thousand people took part in such a review. In two years, the number of fighters that Kadyrov can gather to shoot a video has more than doubled - these are well-armed and expensively equipped people. As Kadyrov himself said, 25 thousand fighters already took part in the last review.

In addition to the units that Kadyrov created or subordinated during his reign and those that appeared after the invasion, two more regiments actually came under his wing. These are the 94th and 96th special forces regiments of the Russian Guard, which from the beginning of the 2000s, while still part of the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, were stationed in Chechnya.

After the invasion began, Magomed Tushaev and Khasmagomed Magomadov were quietly appointed commanders there. These are former fighters of the Chechen SOBR - the Guard of the Guard in Kadyrov's army. They torture oppositionists, guard people important to Ramzan, and play football with the owner.

Recently, this unit has been supervised by Adam Kadyrov, who holds the position of head of his father’s security service. Just as Ramzan himself once headed his father’s security service and was responsible for his personal guard.

Over the summer of 2022, Kadyrov created several more regiments and battalions for the Ministry of Defense, staffed according to ethnic principles: the North-Akhmat, South-Akhmat, West-Akhmat and East-Akhmat divisions appeared.

But their commanders, Zaindi Zingiev, the commander of the North, served in Kadyrov’s SOBR before his appointment. He accompanied Adam Kadyrov to Turkey to film the series, and Ramzan Kadyrov to an official event.

The commander of Vostok-Akhmat, Vakha Khambulatov, is also a security guard, and with experience.

In 2014, the newspaper Vesti Respubliki wrote about him, saying that Kadyrov’s security guard asked his boss to build a kindergarten in his native village - and it was built!

The war began for Khambulatov around the same time, during the first aggression against Ukraine - he fought as part of the Chechen units in the Donbass and even took pictures with the top officials of the separatists.

In 2023, Khambulatov quarreled with the Russian military, which provoked discontent among pro-Kremlin military officers. His jeep was stopped at one of the checkpoints and Khambulatov did not like it.

In 2023, Kadyrov created two more units, which also formally became part of the general army structure: these are the Akhmat-Chechnya and Akhmat-Russia regiments.

The commander of "Akhmata-Chechnya" is also probably Kadyrov's guard - Aslanbek Saliev, as his number is recorded in phone books.

Almost all units are formed from residents of Chechnya - Kadyrov has repeatedly said that he will not carry out mobilization in the republic, since there are many who want to join his legion voluntarily.

However, Chechen human rights activists have repeatedly stated that fighters are forced to go to war - some are forced to do this by kidnapping relatives, others are threatened with dismissal or prison.

But not only natives of the republic, commanded by Kadyrov’s guards, are sent to war from Chechnya. Among the countless Akhmatovs there is also a unit that is staffed primarily with soldiers not from Chechnya.

The main non-Chechen unit is the Akhmat volunteer regiment. Recruits from all over the country began to come to Chechnya in the spring of 2022.

The volunteer unit was headed by Apti Alaudinov, who during the war became hardly the main spokesman for the Russian army.

After Chechen units fled the Kursk region during an attack by the Ukrainian Armed Forces, Alaudinov called on the Russians to give birth:

“Russians, please start giving birth, we need this, this is strategic task number one.”

Alaudinov calls his unit special forces, although it’s difficult to call this “Akhmat” an elite - they take it there without any combat training at all. These are mercenaries who are recruited for money with the help of aggressive Kadyrov advertising.

Banners with contacts of the Chechen mayor's office, through which recruitment is taking place, hung in different cities of the country. The Chechen leadership's millions of telegram channels regularly advertise recruitment, and Vladimir Solovyov does this on TV

Vladimir Solovyov on the air of the program “Evening with Vladimir Solovyov,” July 2022: “I was in the Chechen Republic just now. I'll tell you, I'm very impressed. I didn't spend as much time there as I would have liked. I was in Grozny and was in Gudermes, at the special forces training base. How many volunteers are there? Moreover, people from all over Russia, amazing. It’s like being in a man’s fairy tale.”

Recruits are registered through several military units - volunteers sign a contract with them. These units do not have legal entities, and contacts are difficult to find even in the chats of relatives. Kadyrov opened one of these units in 2023 in Sernovodsk for a completely different unit.

If a volunteer dies, his relatives spend many months knocking on authorities in an attempt to find out something about him. But Kadyrov’s contract itself is more profitable than others – it lasts only four months. There were no loud scandals with payments - every month the Kadyrov regiment was promised 200 thousand rubles, plus 100 thousand were given from the Kadyrov fund upon signing the contract. Easy money if you're lucky enough to survive these four months

Volunteers are trained for several days before being sent to the front at the so-called special forces university. Kadyrov reported that by the end of August 2024, 19 thousand people had joined the volunteer regiment named after his father. For comparison, this is not much less than Kadyrov’s army collected from Chechens. Only an important nuance - the faithful Kadyrov’s units are in Grozny, and visiting recruits die at the front.

The Akhmat volunteer, consisting of recruits from all over the country, does not participate in the constructions in front of Kadyrov: after several days, they were driven to the front in the training camp - the head of Chechnya reports a new batch of fighters who left for war once every few days.

From the very beginning of the invasion, various volunteer units were used as cannon fodder - they were thrown into risky assaults to save more valuable army units.

Judging by the battles in the Kursk region, the Kadyrovsky army is also cherished, throwing the volunteer “Akhmat” to the place of other “Akhmatov”. There are so many of them that no one will understand the difference.

In the summer, during the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces in the Kursk region, the Akhmat-Chechnya battalion, created by Kadyrov exclusively from Chechens in 2023, was supposed to be there. This unit immediately after the creation was sent not to the front line, but to the rear to protect the border with conscripts.

In the summer of 2024, during the attack of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces of the Kadyrovsky, the Ukrainian army seized part of the Kursk region in a matter of hours, capturing hundreds of conscripts and several of the Kadyrovites who did not have time to escape.

One of these unsuccessfuls, Akran Askhabov, was captured in a sweatshirt for 2 thousand dollars - that is, he was dressed clearly not for the war.

The Kursk region was again sent, apparently not the Chechen "Akhmat", but the same volunteer regiment assembled from recruits throughout the country.

Such a conclusion can be drawn by studying the chats of relatives of the soldiers: in the last weeks dozens of messages began to appear there - people are looking for relatives from the Volunteer "Akhmat" who disappeared in these areas:

In the rear was not only the Akhmat-Chechnya.

The Kadyrovites are also engaged in the protection of other border regions: the West-Ahmat battalion was sent to the Belgorod region in the summer of 2023, which was led by Ismail Aguuev. His brother, the head of the Kurchaloevsky District Department of Internal Affairs Rustam, appeared at the border point in Grainoron, near Belgorod. This did not save the area from the raids of Ukrainian sabotage groups.

The Bryansk region is protected by the Akhmat-Russia battalion under the guidance of the instructor of the University of Special Forces Zaurbek Elimkhanov. He taught to shoot the son of Kadyrov Eli.

After the terrorist attack in Crocus, supposedly fighters of the battalion Elimkhanov participated in the detention of terrorists who tried to hide and ended up in the Bryansk region. For this, Elimkhanov and his fighters received a reward from the governor.

All commanders are very active in the forbidden instagram, and some constantly publish photos from Chechnya with dear brothers and only occasionally with the front line. Well, relative advanced.

Chapter 2

Akhmat is a business!

The question is - what kind of money does Kadyrov contain his army?

Formally, each of its detachments, regiments or battalions belongs to some federal department-the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Russian Guard or Ministry of Education-therefore, this should be kept at the expense of the federal budget. But the waste on the defense in Russia is hidden and see how much money is allocated for the Russian Guard in Chechnya - it is impossible.

Kadyrov himself repeatedly said that he additionally spends money from the Akhmat Kadyrov Foundation on the preparation and maintenance of fighters fighting in Ukraine. In the summer of 2024, the head of the government of Chechnya and Kadyrov’s friend Magomed Daudov said that during the invasion of the Kadyrov Foundation spent 33 billion rubles on the maintenance and preparation of fighters.

Magomed Daudov, the closest ally of Kadyrov at a government meeting: “At a high level, it was established to provide fighters with military equipment, subjects of communication, uniforms, ammunition and everything necessary for solving combat problems.”

The problem is that officially there is simply no such money named after Kadyrov - from 2018 to 2023, almost 16 billion rubles were received in the Kadyrov Foundation, that is, two times less than they spent in two years of the war.

Surely Daudov exaggerates the scale of charity. But the Chechen economy works according to its own laws - and the Akhmat Kadyrov Foundation is not the only wallet of the head of Chechnya, which means that the army of Ramzan can be financed from other sources.

The film “Project” “Vertical Kadyrov” describes in detail the ingenuous schemes of the theft of budget money, which the head of Moscow closes for many years.

Some schemes and their participants partially help finance the Kadyrovites. For example, the non -state university of specials, which prepares volunteers for sending to the front, according to financial documents, receives most of the money for the maintenance of companies recorded on one of Kadyrov’s main nominal nominal nominal nominal nominal - Movsadi Alvieva. In 2022 and in the first half of 2023, the fund received from structures that are closed to Alviev, about half a billion rubles.

Alviev owns a large number of Chechen companies that take the largest state contracts in Chechnya. And then he invests them in the training ground to prepare the Kadyrov fighters.

Money from Kadyrov’s wallets can buy uniforms and equipment that the rest of the army cannot count on - for example, the Benophone company (in more detail - also in the film “Vertical Kadyrov”) spent 81 million rubles on UAZ Patriot and 22 cars and 22 , 5 million rubles for drones.

In May of this year, Kadyrov reported that the Chechen units received cars and drones

Ramzan Kadyrov during the transfer of technology to the Chechen divisions: “All young statesmen, business of our republic are involved in order to provide those children who are fighting on the territory of their own”

Although in his message the head of Chechnya claimed that the money was allocated from the Akhmat Kadyrov Foundation - although what's the difference, from which pocket?

The money that Kadyrov spends on fighters in a sense an investment in a sense-after all, the Kadyrovites are not only and not so much fight as they participate in business conflicts as a power support of the Chechen leader. So it was in the fall of this year, when the conflict around Wildberry broke out

One of the participants of the shootout in the center of Moscow is the fighter of the Sobr Akhmat Umar Chichaev.

The personal guard helps Kadyrov also master the captured Ukrainian territories. His people already got one of the largest Ukrainian metallurgical plants named after Ilyich in Mariupol, from where the Kadyrovites took out equipment, steel and coal - all these resources are resold to Russia. Until recently, the enterprise was owned by the head of the Moscow club Akhmat Alash Dadashov, he is also the owner of the Mariupol enterprise "Technical Materials". This is the former Ukrainian plant inhaz, one of the largest manufacturers of industrial gases in Europe. Chechen owners even patent medical gas developed by a Ukrainian enterprise.

And this is far from all that Kadyrov’s people got.

According to our estimates, in the occupied territories there are at least 35 enterprises that are owned or guided by people from Chechnya. Almost half are precisely connected with the authorities of the republic, people close to Kadyrov or Chechen state -owned companies.

For example, the construction company "Elite-Stroy" from the same Mariupol: judging by the name, it must build, but there is no data that it has ever happened.

Co-owner of the company 30-year-old Mansur Saydulaev-he worked in the Ministry of Sports of Chechnya. Another co -owner of Khasan Meshaev, an employee of the company “Success” from Gudermes, who, in particular, paves high -voltage lines in Chechnya.

The owner of “Success” is an associate professor in the Grozny oil state university named after Millionshchikov

At once by several enterprises is owned by the head of the Chechen “Rossiya” and the former Minister of Tourism of Chechnya Hassan Gabazov.

His companies are engaged in the trade in building materials in Donetsk and tourist services in Genichesk. Travel services. In Genichesk. Two enterprises are directly related to the Kadyrovsky army. Enterprises from the Kherson region "Agro" and "Agro 24" take out grain from there.

The owner of Agro 24, Elbek Zayev, is the brother of Ali Zayev, the castle commander of the 94th regiment of the special forces of the Russian Guard, wrote “Important Stories”

These are the shelves that handed over Kadyrov after the outbreak of war. The regiment commander is Khasmagomed Magomadov, the head of Zaev, a former fighter of the collection of Kadyrov’s security. And this unit just fought in the Kherson region. What is capturing, then has.

In Berdyansk, in the summer of 2024, Zaporozhermet appeared. Judging by the name, it should engage in ferrous metals.

She is owned by the family of Kadyrovsky killers. The nominal owner is Aslan Baysarov, the brother of the famous boxer Ramzan Baysarov. The Baysarov family is close to Adam Delimkhanov, and the elder brother of Aslan and Ramzan Supyan, apparently, is the guard of Delimkhanov. For many people in the telephone book, he is recorded as “Soupjan Adam Delive” and “Sumyan President-Hotel”-this Moscow hotel informal residence and the office of the Kadyrovites in the capital.

According to the Novaya newspaper, Syvyan Baysarov was involved in the murder of the Chechen criminal authority of Movladi Atlangeriev. For more details about him, too, watch in the film "Vertical Kadyrov."

Another business in the occupied territories is connected with Delimkhanov. We are talking about Payberry’s payment system, which appeared in Crimea after annexation and acts in the occupied territories now.

In fact, this is a mobile application and a network of automatic machines for receiving cash, in which you can pay for the Internet, cellular communication and so on.

Paiberry has several legal entities: in Simferopol, Krasnodar, and from 2022 and in Lugansk. Their total revenue in 2023 is almost 200 million rubles. And in all firms, people from Chechnya appear in one way or another.

The same people were connected with the Polypage company - another payment system that served the fare system in Sevastopol city transport.

In 2020, among the owners of this company was the guard of Adam Delimkhanov Lychi Bolatbaev. He became known in 2018-Bolatbaeva, along with another improvised, Delimkhanov was tried in Moscow for extortion.

They were threatened by real terms, but in the end it ended in the fact that the case was retrained into less difficult, and Delimhanov’s guards were released. It turns out that people associated with the Chechen leadership own a whole payment system, which was used by residents of Crimea and other occupied territories and which is now expanding in the cities conquered by Russia.

Kadyrovites literally suck money, food, valuable metals, etc. as medieval conquerors. One of the enterprises is registered at a refueling in the dilapidated city of Tokmak, Zaporizhzhya region. She probably sells gasoline to the Russian military there.

For Kadyrov, the war was only a way to expand its army - the most combat -ready and prepared units from Chechnya do not take part in the frontal clashes with the Ukrainian army.

And Kadyrov continues to form new detachments-after Putin arrived in Chechnya in September 2024, the head of Chechnya announced the creation of another unit for 2.5 thousand people. He is not enough.

And this army is not fighting - it helps Kadyrov and his close associates to earn in the war.

Editing - Roman Badaninfakkeing - Roman Romanovsky