Translated material
The leaders of the opposition is time to finish with rallies
Vladimir Kara-Murza, Julia Navalny and Ilya Yashin called on the Russians to enter the new anti-war action in Berlin and other cities under the slogan "Putin, enough to kill." The first march was held in November. Boris Bondarev, the only Russian diplomat, publicly resigned in protest against the invasion of Ukraine, is sure that rallies for the sake of rallies are an incorrect strategy, and invites opposition leaders to choose another way or recognize their defeat.
Former diplomat Bondarev criticizes Kara-Murza, Navalny and Yashin and calls to create a political party
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The current call, as well as the call to the past march and the November action itself in Berlin, caused an ambiguous reaction among the opposition community.
Let's start with the question: what, in fact, happened after the previous anti -war rally, which took place on November 17 in Berlin? What steps followed him? What tasks were set before this rally and have they managed to achieve them? What results did the organizers get and was analytical work based on these results? Perhaps the most striking result was the scandal with the Russian flag and the rather obvious position of the organizers on this issue.
You can argue about how much mass events are needed and effective outside of Russia. You can discuss that it looks more impressive - one rally of 100 thousand people or 100 rallies of a thousand people. You can swear over the organization and coordination of efforts to conduct rallies. But all these are secondary details.
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The rallies themselves are not good and not bad - this is one of the instruments of political activity, which is necessary for formulating and promoting requirements for the authorities. This event allows you to rally the caring and show that there are a lot of them, but all this works only when it is part of a common, large -scale strategy.
If the rally does not have a substantive continuation, if only the following is thought by a continuation of one rally, and no one can present some more tangible results, then many will have a sense of imitation of violent activity-“rally for the sake of a rally”. Or even worse - suspicions will arise that the organizers need this exclusively to increase their own rating and receive certain “grants”.
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So what is the strategy (if it, of course, is)? What people who apply for leadership in the opposition offer their supporters as a positive agenda and a program of actions, which is aimed at tangible results, even in a relatively short prospect?
There is a feeling that in the opposition environment the idea is widespread that "nothing can be done with Putin." Moreover, it was clearly formed not without the influence of the policy of Western countries, which also proceed from this assumption. “Putin is eternal,” and it is necessary, they say, to accept this fact and accordingly build your policy.
This thesis itself is certainly false. No matter how dark Lord Vladimir Vladimirovich seemed to someone, he makes mistakes and makes nonsense. He is holding him - with all his inadequacy and gross miscalculations (such as the level of preparedness for attacking Ukraine in 2022) - only that Western politicians demonstrate even greater shortsightedness and outright cowardice.
Russian opposition, who, according to them, constantly meet with Western politicians, obviously absorb such an attitude towards Putin. This imposes their own traumatic experience of confrontation with the regime, which led to the expulsion, prison terms or even the deaths of those who most loudly opposed him. But the feeling that nothing can be done, leaves only one way out - inaction.
And if so, it would not be more honest to recognize the bitter truth and, speaking of the language of international diplomacy, put a “political struggle” on the “Hold”? To tell your audience that while Putin is alive, nothing can be done, so we say goodbye to better times? In the best case, a pause formed would be worth using to analyze the reasons for the current position of those who disagree with the regime of Vladimir Putin. However, in the Russian opposition community, such reflection is completely invisible. Few people ask how we have reached such a life and what to do next.
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There is a feeling that among the leaders of the opposition, a certain “presumption of their own innocence” prevails, which does not allow any doubts even in the potential opportunity to be in good faith and make mistakes. Then why, if everything was done correctly, we observe all this bitter cataclysm? Why is the opposition defeated and expelled, and Putin continues to be in power? Maybe it's time to think about how to act in a new, changed situation, and reconsider the methods of political activity that were used in the past and did not give the expected results?
In the absence of reflection and introspection, we see a simple repetition of the usual political technologies and practices. The Russian opposition, in the person of the same Ilya Yashin, Vladimir Kara-Murza and others, knows from his practice only demonstrations, rallies and participation in various election campaigns at the municipal or regional level. Within the framework of exile, of course, there can be no talk of any elections, therefore there are rallies.
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Oh yes, still lobbying in "high offices" in the West. Here, however, there are also questions: what exactly Russian opposition in these offices are talking about? What specific problems do they raise and how exactly? What is the emphasis on? What are the attention of Western leaders attract? As a rule, there are usually no specifics based on the results of such meetings, and the audience-from whose face these same “opposition leaders” are performing-still abides in ignorance.
There is a classic situation from a joke: we are not looking for where we have lost, but where it is light. Or, in the words of the excellent comedy of the early 2000s, “Radio Day”: “We can find a button, but we can’t do anything from the Ministry of Defense, so we are looking for a button.” It is curious that in the course of the play it turns out that, oddly enough, something can be done from the Ministry of Defense.
The task is to finally begin to think about what we can do now - and not just "how to equip Russia when we, so beautiful and good, will suddenly find ourselves in the Kremlin."
The Russian opposition must move from the policy of individuals - when there are individuals engaged in what they consider necessary - to the policy of institutions, the policy of parties and movements, who, in support on the wide layers of caring citizens, would develop political goals and strategies for their achievements and would authorize their representatives to implement the decisions made. In other words, we need a massive political structure - if you call a spade a spade, the party.
The very existence of such a party - with the exchange of opinions and the search for consensus on important issues, with the election and change of first persons and other attributes of a normal political association - would become a good political school for Russians. On its basis, it would be possible to create a project of alternative "Russia of citizens, not Putin." Within the framework of such a project, we can talk about the development of a vision of the future of Russia and the strategy of actions that could be proposed, among other things, to Western leaders, because they have an ideological vacuum regarding what to do with Putin's Russia.
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Such a truly democratic approach would favorably distinguish opposition politicians from the Russian authorities, who follow the long -standing traditions of closedness, non -appropriateness.
Difficult? Certainly. But democracy, as one famous Georgian figure used to say, "this is not a lobio to eat." To invent a new one, especially in an unfriendly environment, is a matter, of course, difficult and fraught with inevitable misses. However, it makes no sense to persist in repetition of previous mistakes. If you have achieved a certain skill in twisting the screws, this does not mean that this skill and sophisticated tools will be also useful for clogging nails - you do not need a screwdriver, but a completely different tool.
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In the meantime, the participation of the masses in the “Dvizhuha” is decorative: they only need to create the impression of mass at rallies and other public events. After that, you can forget about the "electorate" again and discuss important issues in closed rooms.
Those who are trying to hide behind the words of the great Bismarck that politics is an art of possible , therefore, they say, all of the above is nonsense and nothing can be done, it is worth reminding that before calling something “impossible”, it is necessary Hard to make sure. To consider, analyze, conduct brainstorming, consult with comrades, contact experts. You look, and something will be less impossible. As they say, “Weres a Will, the mind of A Way” - “If there is a desire, then the possibilities will not slow down to appear.”
The author’s opinion may not coincide with the opinion of the editorial office.
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Author: Boris Bondarev Photo: Sergei Stroitelev / Anadolu / Getty Images