
Photo: Evgeny Reasonable / Kommersant
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Since the so-called patriotic education is now given a lot of attention, the Levada Center* and the laboratory of the future Novaya Gazeta decided to ask the Russians two issues.
The first sounded like this:
The answers were offered to him:
Definitely more
More likely more
No more and no less
Rather, less
Definitely smaller
We’ll say right away, it turned out to be approximately equal to those who said “more” (44%), and those who chose the average version “no more or less” (42%). Saying “less” 7%, which have left the response another 6% (1% lost during rounding).
Such a picture says that giving negative answers to the question about patriotism is now a marginal position. Those in whom the situation and propaganda did not cause a surge of patriotic feelings, but at the same time they do not consider themselves antipatriots, they could clearly choose the answer “no more or less”. Thus, the influence of the situation and propaganda as an element of this situation is most visible from the answers about “more”.
Of course, the situation plays a significant role in influencing the level of patriotic feelings in a person and in people. By this word, one must understand not only the political situation in the world, in the country, in the region, but also the mood among the closest encirclement of each of those who answered this question.
By the way, those who believe that for them the main source of information are “friends, relatives, neighbors” demonstrate a greater, say, an increase in patriotism than a majority that considers such a source of TV.
Among the last 52%, they said that they now feel more patriotism than five years ago. It is worth noting that people focused on various Internet resources as a source of information that they trust most of all are very few (for several percentage points) differ in discussion parameters from the oriented on TV. Only a minority, choosing the answer “I do not trust anyone,” declares as the main position (52%) the immutability of its patriotic feelings, speaks of their increase twice the lesser (25%), and most often about their descending (11%).
Comparing the positions of the majority and minorities, we indicate that among those who believe that things in Russia are going in the right direction (there are 73%of them), half (51%) feel a surge of patriotism, and only 4%, so to speak, tide. And among the minority, which believes that “the country is moving along the wrong path” (there are 17%of them), the ratio of tide and tide is 27%by 22%. An even more modest minority, refusing V. Putin in approval (11%of them), shows the direct decline of the senses discussed for this five -year period: 20%by 27%.
The youngest part of the Russian population (we have a small one), the middle part and the eldest (it is the largest) did not differ very much in answering the question of the dynamics of patriotic feelings. Among the youngest became more patriotic 42%, among the oldest 46%. The least level of these feelings has changed in people 55–65 years (40%).
Among the socio-professional categories, we note the two extremes represented by small groups of entrepreneurs, on the one hand, and the unemployed on the other. They similar in that significantly more often than average reports the diminution of the senses under discussion (12% and 16%, respectively). But at the same time, among the business people about the growth of patriotism, they are informed more often than anyone surveyed (55%), and among the unemployed - less often than all respondents (34%). Among the students, every second one experienced addition, and every tenth decrease in these emotions.
The second question read:
Three answers were offered to choose from:
Openly support Russia's domestic and foreign policy, whatever policy
Open criticizing the shortcomings in the domestic and foreign policy of Russia
You need to do it, not talk conversations
The question turned out to be difficult for many. Choosing the third option - a hidden form of refusing to choose, and simply refused to answer in total 23% of the general in array. And among, for example, there were more than a third of their entrepreneurs.
The main result, however, is clear. Among the Russians there is an opinion that any policy of your country, even the one that you consider to be incorrect, is necessary to maintain (at least openly). Well, Russians are not alone.
The Anglo -Saxons that are now unkindly for this position has a formula: right or wrong, but this is our country: “But OUR Country, Right or Wrong!” - In his toast, the American naval commander Stefan decuter more than two hundred years ago.
If you see in this formula a willingness to be selflessly serving your country, you can only be glad that most Russians (60%) are ready to solidarize with this, in what section they don’t look at them - 65% among pensioners, 60% among students, 55% among leadership workers, 41% among businessmen.
However, we will delay attention on the words “openly support” and “openly criticize” in the wording of the answers. The formal symmetry of these formulations, as everyone living in Russia understands, hides the radical difference in situations in which they are openly supporting and openly criticizing. The sad fate of many openly criticized, probably played a role in the fact that the option of open criticism chose who was twice less often (managers, businessmen), some of three (specialists, workers, students), and who is six times less often (households) than a variant of public praises.
Add about the asymmetry of options: everyone knows that the formula “openly support” does not cancel the option “hidden to criticize”. As we know, in Soviet times, such a double -humus was the norm for many situations. From how the answers to our question were distributed, anxiety arises: is it not a matter of its return?