Agents of change

How does Russia’s pro-democracy movement make inroads in exile? Meduza asks Free Russia Foundation’s Natalia Arno.

As Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine approaches its fourth anniversary, Vladimir Putin’s grip on power appears as strong as ever. But Natalia Arno maintains that change is imminent — and that the Kremlin’s opponents must be prepared for the next window of opportunity. With more than two decades of experience advocating for a democratic Russia, Arno has spent the last 12 years leading the Free Russia Foundation, a pro-democracy organization headquartered in Washington, D.C., with offices across Europe, including one in Kyiv. On the sidelines of the Halifax International Security Forum, Meduza deputy editor Eilish Hart sat down with Arno to learn more about how exiled pro-democracy activists continue to make inroads into Putin’s Russia. Their conversation, which took place in November 2025, has been edited for length and clarity.

— We are now four years into Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and unprecedented domestic crackdown on civil society. What is the main focus of your advocacy work at this time?

— We are very proud to say that [Free Russia Foundation] is the only Russian civil society organization with an office in Kyiv, which we opened in 2016 and never closed. We work actively with Ukrainian partners, and we are working to locate and assist Ukrainian POWs and civilian hostages held in Russian jails, mostly incommunicado.

Once hostages are found and communication established, they are better fed, tortured less, and have communication with their families. The next step is for us to use materials that we gather in our international advocacy, to show [how Russia’s] repressive tactics are changing — not only for Ukrainian hostages but also for Russian political prisoners.

We also work with those who continue resistance [efforts] inside Russia, which is very difficult. Of course, they do so discreetly — there is a lot of underground activity. And our resource centers in Berlin, Vilnius, Paris, [and other cities] help those in exile, who are a voice for the voiceless, to continue their research, investigations, livestreams, and so on.

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We advocate for Russian civil society because changes in Russia can only come from the Russian people — not Europeans, Americans, or Martians. We Russians were not only the first victims of Putin’s aggression; those internal repressions led to external aggression. We were the ones who warned the world about the danger of Putin’s corrupt, criminal, and murderous regime. But we are also agents of change. Democracy in Russia [would be] the best security guarantee for Ukraine and other neighboring countries, and for global stability. Of course, we understand the skepticism, but as pro-democracy Russians, we must have this vision and fight for it. It’s very important for us to stay committed to our values and to continue fighting for freedom, dignity, and human rights. We can’t afford to give up.

— Is there still political will in the United States and European countries to engage with the Russian opposition in exile?

— Normal democratic countries have an “opposition.” I would say it’s more like a pro-democracy movement.

There has been big progress at the level of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). Russia was rightfully kicked out of the Council of Europe [in March 2022], but PACE immediately declared that it would continue engaging with Russian democratic forces. It was a very long negotiation process, but finally, [in October 2025], there was a vote for a resolution to establish a platform of engagement with Russian democratic forces. PACE leadership is currently establishing who is going to be part of this platform. There was the Brussels Dialogue with the European Parliament in June 2023 and the Washington Dialogue in 2024. There is a new working group [on Russia and democracy] in the U.K. parliament, and there is work to establish similar groups in the U.S. Congress and many other national parliaments.

In 2022, there was a very distracting and harmful collective guilt narrative and attitude towards Russians, which we considered “friendly fire.” And instead of doing what we should have been doing — fighting against the Putin regime and the war — we had to explain to our allies who we are and what we are for. It took a lot of resources and effort, but now there’s a better understanding.

Plus, we are becoming stronger as a movement; more mobilized and coordinated. Having these networks is the Kremlin’s worst nightmare. During Soviet times and under Putin’s regime, the authorities have tried to atomize people and show them that they are alone against this huge, oppressive machine. Collective actions and unified efforts are very important [because] this is what they are most afraid of: the Russian democratic movement inside and outside the country being two legs of the same body. This connection is what they are trying to cut by blocking VPNs and websites. They’re trying to separate us and [eliminate] this channel of communication.

— Is it getting progressively more difficult for you to monitor civil society and human rights in Russia, and to reach Russians inside the country?

— It’s getting more difficult because Putin’s regime does everything to close all possible doors and ways of communication. For example, there’s an assumption that there are no protests in Russia. But how can there be no protests if, according to Memorial, at least five people are detained every day? After the full-scale invasion, the Russian authorities eradicated all independent media; [journalists] had to flee, so there’s nobody to cover protests. We only learn about protests when there’s a criminal case and a human rights lawyer defends a political prisoner. Protests continue, but we just don’t hear about them. So it’s becoming more and more difficult to [obtain] information. And we cannot trust opinion polls in a totalitarian state where people who opposed the war and Putin’s regime are already in prison. Polls are conducted among [the regime’s] supporters — those who are not afraid to say what they think.

There are signs of hope, like the young St. Petersburg musician Naoko of Stoptime, who [performed] songs banned in Russia. Other young people across the country were not afraid to [show their] support and sing those songs too. This is the generation that was born, went to school, and graduated under Putin; they don’t know any other president. And despite all the education reforms, propaganda, and repressions, they still understand that Russia is not going in the right direction.

It’s difficult to track the situation, but we know our country. This is what we try to explain to Western decision-makers, policymakers, and media. We aren’t just a headache for European governments, asking for visas and access to bank accounts — we are your allies. We are the second front of attack from Putin, but we are also the ones who can and want to take responsibility for changing the situation in the country. We are your experts: we follow our country 24/7 and know how to read between the lines. We often hear that there is no well-thought-out strategy on Russia anywhere in the U.S. or the European Union. Let us help! We can educate you and equip you with information.

We must all work together. We should all be mindful of each other and understand that in countries like Russia, Belarus, Iran, and Venezuela, there are people who are on the right side of history. There are people who want change, who aspire towards democracy and are imprisoned or silenced for being unafraid to speak out. There are people brave enough to stay strong in their values and beliefs. More are silent, but again, this is one of the most repressive regimes. We must be very disciplined and continue weakening the regime. Once people understand that it’s weaker, then there will be more visible protests.

— You said that the West is lacking a Russia strategy. Aside from ending the war against Ukraine, what would you advise as a practical first step?

— As pro-democracy Russians, we believe that change is imminent. It will happen, but our homework is to be prepared. We were not prepared in the 1990s, and we lost that chance. We’ve already started working on a roadmap of reforms for the transition, how to sustain it, what to do on day one, and on day 100. So we are all working on [this project] very seriously. We’re doing a lot of work right now to weaken the regime, fight against the war, and save people, but we’re also thinking about the future.

The West wasn’t prepared [in the 1990s] either, and I think that’s an important lesson. So if we are preparing, the West should be too. Sanctions [on Russia] should only be lifted when there is real, fundamental change. And [there needs to be a discussion about] what the West can do to help when there is real change, and the work starts to democratize Russia.

— How would you respond to critics who say that exiled Russian opposition figures overstate the degree to which Russian society is anti-war, anti-Putin, and pro-democracy?

— I wouldn’t say that we overstate it; we just see that it’s not noticed. Even when only [eight] people protested on Red Square in 1968 against the tanks in Czechoslovakia, the world noticed. And it sent a good message to say that yes, even if it’s just [eight] people in [all of] the Soviet Union, it was noticed. Right now, there are thousands and thousands of people [in Russia who oppose] the war, and it’s not fair to say that the entire society is for it. The best indicator is the Kremlin itself. They measure [popular] attitudes all the time, and they wouldn’t increase repressions if there were no threat to them and no discontent in society and among the elites.

We at least want to have fair representation because extremes are always bad. It’s always better to be well-informed. It was wrong to say that Russians aren’t receiving eight years in prison for telling the truth about Bucha when we can immediately name so many [political prisoners], like Ilya Yashin. [Being misinformed] prevents us from making the right decisions. The Kremlin [accounts for] the power of civil society. Otherwise, they’d be enjoying their popularity [instead of] increasing repressions and putting more and more people in jail. And if the elites were completely on the Kremlin’s side, why are so many among them in prison or falling from windows?

Interview by Eilish Hart

Natalia Arno’s portrait: Justin Tang / The Canadian Press / PA Images / Scanpix / LETA