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During Viktor Orbán's 16-year rule, Hungary has experienced an erosion of democracy, with the government trying for years to assert control over the courts, academia and the media. But, despite the change in electoral rules and manipulation of the electorate, in the elections on April 12, the opposition inflicted a crushing defeat on the ruling Fidesz party, gaining more than 2/3 of the seats in parliament.
Orban's critics hope that a victorious Tisza and its leader Peter Magyar will stop the country from sliding into authoritarianism. In fact, it may be a choice of the lesser evil. We tell you why Magyar’s victory does not at all mean a return of Hungary to a liberal or progressive path.
Magyar is a conservative. Until two years ago, he was a member of the ruling Fidesz party. The politician left for the opposition only after the scandalous resignation of his ex-wife, who served as Minister of Justice until 2024.
At her suggestion, the president pardoned the person who covered up sexualized violence against children in a state orphanage. This led to mass protests and the resignation of both politicians.
The election campaign of Tissy, Magyar's new party, focused on economic problems that were understandable to all Hungarians: poverty, corruption, and the deteriorating quality of education and medicine.
There is also room for a leftist agenda: Tisza promised to introduce a one percent tax on the wealth of the super-rich, strengthen the role of trade unions and achieve gender equality.
At the same time, Magyar, a graduate of an elite Catholic school, tried not to touch upon controversial cultural issues such as LGBT+ rights. One should not expect that the language enshrined in Hungarian legislation - for example, “marriage is the union of a man and a woman” - will be repealed.
One of the key points of the Tissy program is the restoration of ties with the EU, undermined under Orban. In particular, Hungary is interested in the speedy unfreezing of the 17 billion euros allocated to it from EU funds for post-Covid development. Budapest was left without them due to the authoritarian policies of the current government.
At the same time, according to Financial Times sources in Brussels, based on the results of some reforms carried out by Orban, the European Commission was already ready to send part of the funds to Hungary, but refrained from doing so until the elections due to the high degree of politicization of the topic. Magyar will have only a few months before the reform deadline to unfreeze more than half of the promised subsidies.
The stumbling block may be Magyar’s views on migration - here Tisza’s positions are tougher than Orban’s. Magyar advocates the abolition of the program to attract foreigners to Hungary, arguing that the flow of workers from abroad leads to lower wages for locals.
The refusal to accept foreign workers comes into direct conflict with the new EU agreement, according to which all members of the alliance will have to accept migrants within established quotas. The norm will come into force in June 2026. In addition, the leader of Tisza promises to maintain the anti-migration wall on the southern border of Hungary - in the section with Serbia it coincides with the external border of the EU.
One of the EU's key complaints against Viktor Orban is his close relationship with Vladimir Putin. But so far there is nothing to indicate that Magyar plans to sever his special connection with Moscow.
Magyar says that "Hungary and Russia respect each other" and advocates a "pragmatic" relationship with Moscow and against a cessation of Russian oil until at least 2035 - eight years later than the deadline set by Brussels.
Orban called his opponent pro-Ukrainian, accusing him of trying to drag Hungary into the war. To which the future prime minister replied that “nobody wants a pro-Ukrainian government.” Although Magyar considers Vladimir Putin an aggressor, he supported the “government’s position” and promised not to send soldiers and weapons to Ukraine. Even in the European Parliament, Tisza often abstains from voting for aid to Ukraine. After winning the elections, Magyar said that he agreed with Hungary’s refusal to provide Ukraine with an EU loan in the amount of 90 billion euros.
Moreover, the new prime minister is against Ukraine’s accelerated entry into the EU. He proposes holding a referendum in Hungary on the issue of the country's admission to the bloc. In March 2026, Magyar, in response to Zelensky’s harsh remark about Orban, said that the President of Ukraine should apologize to the Prime Minister of Hungary. He later added that the EU should suspend ties with Ukraine if Zelensky does not do so, and also demanded the restoration of the Friendship pipeline, which supplied Russian oil to Hungary.
Tisza received a constitutional majority in parliament - more than ⅔ seats - and will be able to form a one-party government. But this does not guarantee a quick dismantling of the system built by Orban. Key government positions - from the president of the country to judges of the constitutional court and the prosecutor general - will remain filled with figures loyal to the current regime.
Illustrator
Illustrator
Vitya ErshovEditor
Editor
John LockePublication
April 13, 2026