An Oil Sector Bureaucrat

A senator from Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug (KhMAO) covering oil companies now heads RAIPON, the organization meant to protect the rights of Russia’s indigenous peoples.

The Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia, and the Far East has been advocating for indigenous rights for thirty years. However, over the past 15 years, its “advocacy” has increasingly meant collaboration with extractive companies. Instead of providing real support, the Association often overlooks violations of indigenous rights and conceals the consequences of environmental disasters caused by these companies’ activities.

In April 2025, at a closed meeting, Association members elected a new president—Aleksandr Novyukhov. He is tied to the extractive industry: for 14 years, he led the organization “Salvation of Yugra” funded by oil companies, where his relatives and associates also work. Now, as head of the Association, he continues to protect the interests of extractive corporations.

Who helped Novyukhov secure this position, and why does the Kremlin need the Association?

WHO AND HOW ELECTS THE PRESIDENT OF RUSSIA’S LARGEST ORGANIZATION PROTECTING INDIGENOUS PEOPLES’ RIGHTS

The Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia, and the Far East of the Russian Federation is hereafter referred to as the Association of Indigenous Peoples or RAIPON for brevity.

At the Association’s congress in October 2024, council members deemed the work of Vice-President and KhMAO senator Aleksandr Novyukhov at the UN unsatisfactory. His colleagues unanimously voted to remove him from these duties. Novyukhov’s responsibilities were transferred to the acting president of the Association and senator from Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug (YANAO), Grigory Ledkov.

Most likely, Novyukhov’s removal was a political maneuver by Ledkov to eliminate a competitor in the race for the Association’s presidency.

RAIPON was established in 1993 to unite regional communities and groups advocating for indigenous rights. In the late 1980s, such communities started emerging in regions where extractive companies encroached on indigenous lands for resources. For example, in the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, home to Chukchi, Eskimos, Evenks, and others, companies extract coal, oil, gas, precious metals, and more.

Indigenous rights protection communities ensured that corporations did not destroy nature in their pursuit of resources. Pollution of water bodies or deforestation eradicates the traditional livelihoods of these peoples. The destruction of their territories means the death of their unique culture.

One such organization is “Salvation of Yugra.” It was established in 1989 in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug (KhMAO), a region rich in oil and gas deposits. Companies like “Lukoil-Western Siberia,” “Gazpromneft-Khantos,” and subsidiaries of “Rosneft” operate there.

Aleksandr Novyukhov, who was removed from UN duties in October 2024, headed “Salvation of Yugra” for 14 years, from 2002 to 2016. However, he had been involved in indigenous issues since 1999. Initially, he worked in the administration of the Berezovsky District in Tyumen Oblast as deputy chairman of the Committee on Indigenous Peoples of the North. In 2001, he moved to a regional role, becoming an advisor to Gennady Bukhtin, the first deputy governor of KhMAO. Novyukhov held this position from 2011 to 2016, after which he became a deputy in the KhMAO Duma, joining the United Russia faction in the Committee on Economic Policy, Regional Development, and Natural Resources.

In 2021, he became a senator from KhMAO and vice-president of the Association of Indigenous Peoples (RAIPON).

Pavel Sulyandziga, founder of the international foundation for indigenous development and solidarity “Batani” and RAIPON vice-president from 2001 to 2010, told us that Novyukhov is a “career bureaucrat to the core” who, instead of protecting indigenous rights, focuses on “clinging to power in an official’s chair.”

“When power changed in KhMAO, he did everything to stay in power, adapting as needed,” Sulyandziga said. “I also worked as an official for a while, and it’s a specific role—you either adapt, or you’re pushed out.”

It was precisely someone like Aleksandr Novyukhov whom RAIPON president Grigory Ledkov saw as his main competitor in the 2025 elections. Ledkov campaigned at RAIPON events, rallying loyal regional branches. Novyukhov did the same.

Some regional RAIPON organizations published letters and appeals to the coordination council and Ledkov himself, requesting he “consider running” for president. Ten associations and a Yakutia parliamentary deputy sent such letters, while another association released a video appeal with the slogan “Za Grigory Ledkov!” (“For Grigory Ledkov!”).

By late 2024, such publications dwindled. The RAIPON website had not been updated since March 2025. New posts appeared only in May, after the presidential election. On voting day, the Association’s VKontakte group was renamed, and its link changed. Now, only posts before April 25, 2025, indicate the group’s connection to RAIPON.

Ledkov had led RAIPON since 2013. In that election, he competed against Pavel Sulyandziga and Anna Otke, head of the Chukotka Indigenous Peoples Association. Per the charter, a candidate needed two-thirds of the votes to win. In the first round, Ledkov received 139 votes, Otke 27, and Sulyandziga 190. Sulyandziga then withdrew his candidacy, stating that a contact in law enforcement warned him that winning could harm his children.

In the 2025 elections, despite regional support, Ledkov did not run. Only Aleksandr Novyukhov and Andrey Metelitsa from Kamchatka Krai participated. Novyukhov won with 199 votes, while Metelitsa, who did not campaign, received 16.

Pavel Sulyandziga stated that Novyukhov’s appointment as president was decided by the Presidential Administration and “Norilsk Nickel,” RAIPON’s main benefactor. Ledkov, Sulyandziga said, likely knew he wouldn’t remain president. He lost his position after clashing with “Norilsk Nickel.”

In 2021,“Norilsk Nickel,” and RAIPON launched a public diplomacy school at MGIMO to train indigenous activists to defend their interests nationally and internationally. Ledkov, per Sulyandziga, wanted the funds “Norilsk Nickel,” allocated for the school to go through RAIPON. When this didn’t happen, he publicly withdrew RAIPON from the project, costing him his role.

Novyukhov doesn’t clash with corporations. Sulyandziga noted that he “perfectly understands the rules of the game,” making him a quiet and convenient choice for RAIPON’s president.

HOW NOVYUKHOV “DEFENDED” INDIGENOUS RIGHTS AMONG OIL COMPANIES

Nefteyugansk, a city in KhMAO, lies on the tributaries of the Ob River, which flows into the Arctic Ocean. Near the city, “Yuganskneftegaz” (a “Rosneft” subsidiary) extracts oil. In 2015, RBC reported that “Yuganskneftegaz” accounted for about a third of “Rosneft”’s oil production.

That same year, a major oil spill occurred at one of the company’s fields near Nefteyugansk, contaminating over 10 hectares.

Concealing the damage caused by extractive companies is common among officials, including RAIPON representatives who publicly claim to protect indigenous peoples but, in practice, support industrialists.

Since the mid-2010s, RAIPON has increasingly collaborated with authorities and big business, largely due to Grigory Ledkov’s efforts. By then, he was already a State Duma deputy from Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug and a “United Russia” member. Under his leadership, RAIPON built ties with the Federal Assembly, the Government, and the Presidential Administration, and began admitting officials into its ranks.

The Nefteyugansk oil spill was not the only instance where Aleksandr Novyukhov defended oil companies. In 2016, he criticized “Greenpeace” for allegedly exploiting indigenous issues during their conflict with “Surgutneftegaz.” The situation unfolded in Numto, a village in northern KhMAO, where industrial activities began in wetlands where the Khanty people maintained their traditional lifestyle. Novyukhov claimed that indigenous peoples conducted no activities there.

Public hearings were held, attended by representatives of indigenous communities. “Greenpeace” representative Elena Sakirko noted that only two Numto residents opposed the park’s zoning project during the hearings. Others remained silent, which Sakirko attributed to pressure from the local administration. Ultimately, Russia’s Ministry of Natural Resources approved a new oil extraction plan for Numto. “Greenpeace” expert Mikhail Kreindlin said that the plan was slightly more environmentally friendly but still expanded oil activities on Khanty lands.

Oil companies publicly praised by Novyukhov have consistently provided financial support to “Salvation of Yugra,” which he led, and continue to do so. The largest corporate donors to “Salvation of Yugra,” include “Rosneft” (primarily), “RussNeft” (owned by Mikhail Gutseriev), and “Lukoil-Western Siberia.” From 2020 to 2024, “Salvation of Yugra,” received 65 million RUB from “Rosneft” (“Rosneft” PJSC and its subsidiary “Samotlorneftegaz”), 43 million RUB from “Lukoil-Western Siberia,” 15.5 million RUB from “RussNeft” and its subsidiaries, and 6.6 million RUB from “Salym Petroleum Development” (“Gazpromneft”).

Novyukhov’s business ties persisted even after stepping down as head of “Salvation of Yugra.” As of 2023, his sister, Elena Pugacheva, worked at the organization. Her late husband, Sergey Pugachev, was also an employee of the organization; Mikhail Eremeyevsky, a Novyukhov assistant, officially worked there, as well.

Additionally, in 2022, Yulia Fedorova (née Novyukhova), the wife of Novyukhov’s brother, worked at “Travel and Trips Agency LLC.” That same year, the agency signed a contract with ”Salvation of Yugra” to cover ticket expenses worth 102,478 RUB.

Even after leaving his role at ”Salvation of Yugra” Novyukhov continued to systematically praise oil companies. For instance, in 2017, at the 5th Youth Forum of Indigenous Peoples of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, he expressed gratitude to Lukoil for its sensitive approach to the issues of the indigenous peoples of the North. The company funded this forum.

HOW THE KREMLIN USES RAIPON

RAIPON supported the war in Ukraine with an open letter to Vladimir Putin. Since then, the organization has become valuable to the Kremlin not only for downplaying violations of indigenous rights but also for advancing Russia’s interests at the UN and other international platforms, such as the Arctic Council. Although Russia was excluded from participating in international meetings, representatives of the Association continued to speak at UN sessions as full-fledged participants, using this as a tool for influence.

For example, Viktor Bilanin, a representative of the Association of Indigenous Peoples of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, stated at the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in New York in April 2024 that there were no conflicts between indigenous peoples and “Norilsk Nickel.” He argued that unilateral sanctions against Russian companies should be lifted. In reality, this is not true. Norilsk Nickel has still not relocated the residents of Tukhard, a settlement located within the sanitary protection zone of “Norilsktransgaz” JSC's production facilities (part of “Norilsk Nickel”), despite the area being deemed uninhabitable.

Initially, Tukhard residents were not opposed to relocating to new apartments. In 2019, “Norilsk Nickel” and its partners built houses for relocation 1.5 kilometers from the settlement. However, the new location lacked a power station, heating, and water supply. People refused to move into the unequipped houses. Activists reported that in 2024, the local administration and “Norilsk Nickel” used various methods to pressure residents to leave, including cutting off electricity and gas for some.

Bilanin remained silent about this issue during the UN session.

“Russia is being excluded from many international platforms, and the UN Forum on Indigenous Issues remains one of the few major international venues where Russia still holds influence,” commented Pavel Sulyandziga. “Russia actively exploits this loophole because indigenous representatives supposedly speak for themselves and their people. Of course, this is not the case.”

The Kremlin does not care who leads the Association of Indigenous Peoples. The key is that this person does not criticize the activities of extractive companies and prevents indigenous peoples from raising their concerns. Novyukhov has every chance of fulfilling these tasks.