Ivan Golunov's fight for freedom and the subsequent march demonstrated how quickly the vortex of collective action is now unwinding, when the most pressing and painful problems of society catch on to indignation - sociologist Ella Paneyakh Unprecedented wave The words “unprecedented wave of solidarity” last time I wrote, when readers on the Internet raised the necessary money in less than four days to save the New Times from an unfair fine.

The infrastructure of today's life itself changes relations between the state and people, according to sociologist Ella Paneye The development of Russian society is increasingly conflict with the degradation of the Russian state. So far, the state is in the offensive position, but society is increasingly starting to give back.

Photo: Natalia Seliverstova / RIA Novosti The summer decrease in the ratings of the president and the government, and then the electoral failure of the ruling party and pro -government candidates in elections in several regions on September 9 raised the question of a serious breakdown of public mood.

There is some gap between the ideas of our fellow citizens about good and evil and their behavior in real life. To some extent, actions depend on values, and in some-on interests and social pressure. Judging by research, residents of Russia quite share European values, but much less than in the West, take them into account when making decisions, according to the sociologist Ella Paneye, Associate Professor of the Higher School of Economics in St. Petersburg.

What is completely absent from the feed this time are people who ostentatiously post cats five times a day, having not yet been noticed as having a great passion for such online behavior. Or they indulge in arguments like “why do I care so much about the event that all my friends and acquaintances are now rejoicing or, on the contrary, freaking out? They break spears, spoil strange relationships with each other, they get nervous, but for me, the beautiful one, it’s so awesome...

A picket participant in defense of the right to abortion on the Marse Field. Photo: Svetlana Kholyavchuk / Interpress / ITAR-TASS This year, it became obvious that Russian society, or at least its part of it, had grown up to pay attention to the agenda that is not very successful in the West to be “progressive” in the West.

Actually, I was going to write a feminist article. But the further the sex scandal around the most famous Moscow school unfolds, the more it becomes clear that this is not a story about sex. And not about gender. And not even primarily about gender. This is a story about school. About power, about trauma. About the trauma that almost everyone who spent the most vulnerable decade of their life bears within the framework set by the structure of the Soviet and post-Soviet school.

So we waited for the reforms of the law enforcement system, which we talked about so much. As expected, a reform was obtained without reform: a purely departmental fusion with a absorption, supplemented by the redistribution of existing powers.

As part of the special project “Results-2015”, experts analyze the key trends that showed up or intensified in Russia over the past year, and explain what consequences this can lead to in the near future. English -language versions of the texts will be published in the journal Russian Politics & Law. Project curator - Nikolai Petrov.

The new statistical collection of the prosecutor’s office on the state of crime in the first half of 2015 records a sharp increase in crime registered by law enforcement agencies - as much as 5.2%. However, the number of serious crimes did not increase (and even decreased by 0.2%, only 18%), the number of especially grave grew in terms of average, and their share is only 6%. That is, almost the entire growth of registered crimes is provided with small things - minor and moderate crimes.

From the very beginning of the conversation about Putin’s sanctions against the nutritional needs of the population, some awkwardness is noticeable in the statements of that group of Internet users who could afford expensive and rare products that were inaccessible - and often not very interesting - to the average Russian.

Photo: Ekaterina Kuzmina/RBC In recent years, control over the interference of security forces in private life has practically ceased. Courts issue permits almost automatically, and less and less reporting is required. Appetites are growing In Russia, the scale of intrusion by security forces into the private lives of citizens is steadily growing and judicial control over such decisions is practically disappearing.

A group of deputies, of which at least part is known by dense contacts with law enforcement agencies, introduced amendments to the law “On the Police” and adjacent acts to the State Duma. The amendments have already caused a violent reaction, mainly in the spirit of "police officers want to allow shooting in crowded places" and "the regime awaits the color revolution from day to day." But if you look at the document, the impression changes.

A duel in criminal cases between the law enforcement agencies of the Chechen Republic and almost all federal law enforcement agencies - the FSB, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Investigative Committee - after the murder of Boris Nemtsov, either erupted with an unprecedented force, or simply began to attract more media attention, which is more likely.

The idea of ​​the institution of investigative judges is that one specific judge monitors compliance with the rule of law in the criminal case from the beginning of the investigation to the transfer of the case to court.