Anti-Semitism in Ukraine

It seems justified to consider the problem of anti-Semitism in Ukraine in comparison with the Russian situation. Such a comparison is interesting and justified for a number of reasons. In these countries, the absolute majority of the post-Soviet Jewish community is doing well. The situation in these young Slavic democracies is largely similar. We have listed some common features in the introduction, so in this section we will focus mainly on the differences.

If we compare the Ukrainian situation with the Russian one, it is easy to see - and almost all researchers agree on this - that the situation with anti-Semitism is much calmer here than in Russia. For a number of reasons, inter-ethnic and inter-confessional conflicts have not reached the severity here, which they have reached in the territory of the north-eastern neighbor. The level of anti-Semitism (and xenophobia in general) among the masses is somewhat lower than in Russia, the exploitation of anti-Semitism by political groups is less common.

The Ukrainian elite is largely characterized by a conscious desire to conform to Western models, at least in those areas where this does not require serious efforts. For example, recommending the study of the Holocaust in higher education institutions across the country is much easier than fighting corruption and money laundering, and it is not yet clear which of these measures can more successfully contribute to the formation of the image of a civilized state. This does not mean at all that there are no sincere enthusiasts in the Ukrainian Ministry of Education and Science, which recommended the study of the Holocaust, who are sure that this step will help in cultivating attitudes of tolerant consciousness and, ultimately, building a civil society. However, one cannot ignore the momentary conjuncture, and it is such that such a symbolic and effortless demonstration of the desire for the standards of a civilized community can really mean nothing. Roughly speaking, the idea that anti-Semitism in itself is evil has not yet taken root in the minds of officials, but they already understand the fear of being branded as an anti-Semite.

There is another facet of this situation. In order to create the feeling that national minorities are supported in the country, it is easier and more profitable for the state to create conditions for maximum favorable conditions for the Jewish community than to solve more acute, but, at the same time, much more risky problems, for example, the official status of the Russian language.

Of course, sympathy for the Jews on the part of the Ukrainian elite is not limited to cynical calculation. There is a significant, highly authoritative and quite influential (including government officials) stratum of the Ukrainian intelligentsia (the iconic figure of this circle is academician Ivan Dzyuba), who make every effort to establish a productive interethnic dialogue in society. This topic is significant: popular television talk shows are devoted to Ukrainian-Jewish relations, and a constructive and benevolent approach prevails (or rather, the voice of intolerance is practically not heard). Efforts are also being made to establish a dialogue by representatives of the Ukrainian "national" Christian churches, primarily the Greek Catholic church headed by Cardinal Lubmir Huzar.

Because of this, we can talk about a relatively favorable situation with anti-Semitism, moreover, the vector of its development is clearly directed towards quite worthy examples. The current situation is calm, but it is fraught with a potential threat. Although the officially proclaimed model of the Ukrainian nation is civil (Ukraine is the homeland of all its citizens, regardless of ethnic origin), elements of ethno-nationalism are still quite palpable. The national theme, and in the most acute and not always healthy form, has a rather high significance in Ukraine. This situation is quite natural in the context of the newly acquired statehood, the painful search for historical legitimacy and the development of a model of collective identity. The same Ministry of Education and Science, which calls for the introduction of the teaching of the Holocaust at universities, recommends starting the study of the history of Ukraine with the data presented in the Veles Book, a phantasmagoric fake that flatters national pride, starting the history of ancient Russian (i.e., proto-Ukrainian) statehood long before before the new era.

There are a number of unresolved serious problems of a national, linguistic and religious nature in the country, which are not particularly heated at the moment, but may worsen if the general situation in the country worsens. The situation in the country remains unstable, the government is unpopular, the political spectrum is sharply polarized, and the standard of living is low. In general, these factors create a fertile ground for the development of xenophobia, but at the moment they do not determine the political situation.

Anti-Semitic actions

In the light of the foregoing, it is clear that the problem of ethnic violence in Ukraine is much less acute than in Russia. In the early 1990s, Ukraine experienced a number of violent conflicts between various Christian denominations, including those accompanied by violent actions, but by the end of the 1990s, the situation had stabilized. National-radical organizations are weak, and the youth subcultural racist movement of skinheads has not gained wide scope due to the calmer ethno-demographic situation compared to Russia.

Violence against Jews on ideological grounds is a very rare phenomenon. Recently, we can mention the attempted pogrom in the Brodsky synagogue in Kyiv in 2002. Then a group of young people, returning from the stadium after a football match, attacked the rear ones, broke windows in it and beat several people who were in the synagogue. The resonance from the incident was extremely wide, and the authorities made every effort to find those responsible. At first, as is usually the case, the authorities denied the racist nature of the antics, claiming that the young people, being in a drunken state and in a bad mood due to the loss of their favorite team, took out their annoyance on the first building they came across. Apparently, it was precisely this vision that was dictated by the desire not to emphasize the problem without special need. However, during the investigation, which was crowned with success, law enforcement agencies clearly established that the pogrom was a prepared action, and not a spontaneous hooligan trick. Officials who commented on the course of the investigation also corrected their position. As a result, ordinary rioters received a rather severe punishment, and the case of the organizer of the pogrom was separated into a separate office.

The bulk of the anti-Semitic actions committed in Ukraine, as in Russia, are acts of vandalism, primarily the desecration of cemeteries, neo-Nazi and simply offensive graffiti on the facades of synagogues and other Jewish buildings, etc. Previously, there were cases of targeted actions - for example, personal threats or even setting fire to the doors of the apartments of Jewish activists (in Western Ukraine, where nationalist positions are strong) or setting fire to the Israel Information Center in Kharkov. Unlike the Western Ukrainian "colleagues", the Kharkiv arsonist was found. He belonged to the pro-Russian nationalist movement. According to the results of the investigation and trial, which revealed his involvement in two other politically motivated arsons, he was sentenced to a long term of imprisonment, which he is currently serving.

"Telephone terrorism", as well as the imitation of explosive devices that have become widespread in Russia, are not found in Ukraine. Apparently, this is explained by the fact that Russians are in constant tension after the terrorist acts attributed to Chechen separatists, and the fear of terrorism sometimes takes the form of hysteria. In this climate, a phone call about a planted bomb, not to mention a fake explosive device, is perceived as something quite plausible and consistent with mass fears. Ukraine has a fundamentally different social atmosphere.

In general, we can say that the situation with anti-Semitic actions in Ukraine is relatively calm, compared to both Russia and many Western countries, although the potential threat of an increase in aggressive anti-Semitism remains.

antisemitic propaganda

Anti-Semitism in general is not characteristic of the Ukrainian mass media. According to the calculations of the staff of the Kiev Institute of Judaica, who monitor anti-Semitic activities in the country, in 2002, about 160 anti-Semitic publications were recorded, mainly in two publications (we note that in Russia such a calculation is impossible - dozens of publications are counted, for which anti-Semitism is an important part propaganda). In 2001, there were just over a hundred anti-Semitic publications, in 2000 - one hundred and fifty, in 1999 - more than two hundred, in 1998 - two hundred and sixty, in 1997 - one hundred and fifty. Thus, in general, one can record a decrease in the number of anti-Semitic publications in recent years (a small surge in 1998 and 2002 is explained by the fact that parliamentary elections were held in these years, which caused an aggravation of political confrontation, an increase in the number of publications, etc.) . There are precedents when, due to public outcry, publications curtailed anti-Semitic propaganda (the Vecherny Kiev newspaper), although in those cases when it came to court, the latter could well take the side of anti-Semites (more simply out of unwillingness to delve into the essence of the matter than out of sympathy for anti-Semites, although there is also an opposite opinion on this matter). Many radical newspapers stopped publishing, however, for internal reasons, primarily funding difficulties. In fact, until recently in Ukraine there was only one radical anti-Semitic newspaper published in scanty circulation - the Lviv "Idealist", and in 2003 it was also closed by a court decision. The popularity of national-radical views in society has fallen even compared to the early 1990s, and even then they were marginal. Orthodox fundamentalists are also less visible (compared to Russia) with their anti-Semitic propaganda, primarily due to the fact that there are a number of inter-Christian religious conflicts in Ukraine, which are primarily the focus of attention of religious radicals.

A feature of anti-Semitic propaganda in Ukraine is the great importance of foreign sponsors (perhaps due to the difficult economic situation in the country as a whole). Radical pro-Russian nationalist publications receive assistance (at least organizational) from sympathizers in Russia, while Ukrainian nationalists enjoy more significant patronage from wealthy compatriots in the diaspora (including, there is information about targeted funding of directly anti-Semitic publications). In addition, there is a precedent for receiving financial assistance from the Arabs.

The last year, with the number of anti-Semitic publications comparable to the previous year, has introduced a number of significant changes in the list of publications that disseminate anti-Semitic ideas and views, and in the nature of anti-Semitic materials. The quite respectable publication Personnel actively joined the propaganda of anti-Semitic and anti-Zionist views. "Personnel" - a magazine of the Interregional Academy of Personnel Management (IAPM). Many famous people are involved in the editorial board of the journal and its board of trustees - not only well-known Ukrainian politicians - deputies, ministers, but also ambassadors, professors and even presidents of a number of foreign countries. Since 2002, the journal has been publishing a number of openly anti-Semitic materials by foreign and Ukrainian authors, among which the articles of IAPM Rector G. Shchekin stand out. The authors of "Personnel" appeal to the fight against Zionism, which they identify with Nazism and present as a threat to all mankind. At the same time, they draw arguments "revealing" Zionism from the arsenal of the most rabid anti-Semites. The occasion and theme of these publications is the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

The anti-Semitic propaganda of MAUP is not limited to the magazine "Personal". The Academy establishes contacts with foreign anti-Semites (both Russian, Middle Eastern, and Western, for example, with one of the leaders of the American racists, David Duke), publishes books, and organizes events that expose the "world evil" of Zionism.

IAPM has close ties with the Palestinian mission and the Libyan embassy, ​​the facts of financial assistance to the Academy from Arab organizations and official representations are known. Apparently, in the case of the Academy, we are dealing with "commercial" anti-Semitism - propaganda is carried out in exchange for funding.

The situation with IAPM had a wide public response. The Academy found not only critics, but also defenders. The Presidium of the Academy of Sciences of Higher School of Ukraine, the Board of the Confederation of Non-State Higher Educational Institutions of Ukraine, the newspapers Democratic Ukraine and Selskie Vesti spoke in defense of the Personal magazine. One of the district courts in Kiev decided in favor of "Personnel" the consideration of a lawsuit against the newspaper "Capital News", which Shchekin accused of slander in response to charges of anti-Semitism (this court is known for its partiality to the mentioned publication - it did not decide in favor of "Capital News" all considered cases of libel and protection of honor and dignity).

The main motives of anti-Semitic propaganda in recent years have been associated with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict (on the pages of "Personal" and the socialist newspaper "Selskie Vesti", which supported it), the idea of ​​a worldwide Jewish conspiracy ("Idealist", a number of election publications), social anti-Semitism, religious anti-Judaism ( in the Orthodox fundamentalist press), Holocaust denial.

Anti-Semitism in politics

As noted above, anti-Semitism as an element of political ideology has not received wide distribution in Ukraine. On the contrary, it is typical for most of the main political forces that certain organizations try to exploit the "Jewish theme", but do not have much success.

First of all, we are talking about Ukrainian and pro-Russian nationalist groups, which are more of a regional (in the west and east of the country, respectively) than a national character. Among the Ukrainian organizations, we can mention the Ukrainian National Assembly - Ukrainian National Self-Defense (UNA - UNSO) and the Ukrainian Social-National Party (USNP), among the Russians - the Party of Slavic Unity of Ukraine (PSEU) and local branches of some Russian parties. None of these organizations was successful in overcoming the electoral barrier in the parliamentary elections (in Ukraine it is 4%), although UNA-UNSO managed to get several deputies in the regional majoritarian districts. Both USNP and PSEU are currently leaving the political arena and have ceased their active activities (PSEU even officially dropped out of the register of political organizations in June 2003). UNA-UNSO, with all its radicalism (sometimes more ostentatious than real), never focused on the "Jewish question", and the former leader of the organization D. Korchinsky (now a popular TV presenter) spoke out in support of Israel.

Although the views of extremists do not find support in society, there are certain alarming factors. In the moderate national-democratic circles of the political and state elite there is a certain tolerance towards "their own" radicals. For example, with the support of Viktor Yushchenko's bloc (the former prime minister and one of the country's most likely presidential candidates), Our Ukraine, which is very diverse in composition, the current leader was elected to the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian parliament) in the majority district in the Lviv region UNA-UNSO Andrei Shkil. In the Verkhovna Rada, Shkil joined the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc faction (nationalists are also present in Yushchenko's parliamentary faction). It can be added that at the time of his election, which granted Shkil immunity from criminal prosecution, the nationalist leader had been in a pre-trial detention center for a year on charges of organizing mass anti-government riots. Thus, the moderate national democrats ally with the radicals (partly out of reverence for their heroic contribution to the struggle for independence, partly out of a desire to attract their electorate, albeit a meager one), and thereby legitimize the presence of the latter in "big politics". ". There is no gap between radicals and solid politicians, and their union is mutually beneficial. This situation sometimes creates very ugly situations. For example, during the height of the scandal surrounding the anti-Semitic propaganda of MAUP, a number of deputies of the Verkhovna Rada (including A. Shkil) issued a declaration calling for an end to the persecution of the "patriot" G. Shchekin.

conclusions

The situation in Ukraine as a whole can be characterized as calm, and numerous positive trends in the life of society make it possible to look to the future with optimism. The negative manifestations that overshadow the situation are of a very limited nature, are much less pronounced than in Russia, and are due not least to the natural difficulties of the period - albeit a rather protracted one - of building an independent state.

Nevertheless, it should be noted that certain factors continue to pose a potential threat to the growth of xenophobic sentiments in society. To prevent this threat, symbolic gestures are not enough, it is necessary to eliminate the causes of the instability of the state and the radicalization of society, and this will require great civic courage and readiness to systematically implement a wide range of measures from the political elite.

Vyacheslav Likhachev