Before the upcoming elections, the authorities are persistently trying to protect itself from the threat of a change in a fictitious right -wing movement
Soon in Moscow, the next congress of the right -hand party will take place, the name of which has recently been unusually flashing in the media. Such an active mention of the right party in Russia is nonsense, but there are reasons for this. It is assumed that at the June Congress there will be a restructuring of the “right business”, up to a possible change in the name. Also almost one hundred percent is the likelihood that a new party leader will be selected at the congress, which will become the famous Russian businessman Mikhail Prokhorov.
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The political career of Mr. Shuvalov is associated with two main figures: for the first time he received a ministerial position in the government of Mikhail Kasyanov, becoming the head of the Government of the Russian Federation. Then Shuvalov under his wing was taken by the then President Vladimir Putin (of course, Shuvalov also got to the government thanks to his patronage): Igor Ivanovich first became the assistant to the president, and then the deputy head of the presidential administration.
Thus, Mr. Shuvalov is an integral part of the modern Russian power system. And when allegedly insider information was thrown into the press that the Deputy Prime Minister could lead a party occupying the niche of the liberal opposition, this caused nothing but bewilderment in society. That is why the White Shuvalov option had to abandon.
The idea to nominate Mikhail Prokhorov [ 1 ] to the leaders of the “right -handed business” will not increase the party’s rating (and not worth it), but will allow the current executive branch to disown the fact that it will sculpt the real right -wing opposition with her own hands.
Mr. Prokhorov’s ties with the Kremlin and the White House are well known to everyone (it is often called-the Kremlin oligarch), but de jure Mikhail Prokhorov is not power. And this means that he may well lead the right party. In addition, Prokhorov himself has repeatedly demonstrated his ultra-right manners, which concerned the country's economic development, proposing “on a voluntary basis” to allow a 12-hour working day in Russia. Without receiving the support of either left or right.
The image of Prokhorov in society, in principle, is negative, as well as the absolute majority of the oligarchs. An unsightly story with a courchel will not be forgotten, the “yo-mobile” also got so much on the market as in jokes.
Many perceive Mikhail Prokhorov in political Russia only as the “right -wing Zhirinovsky”. This is enough for the party representing the right movement to be in sight, but at the same time does not occupy a real place in the State Duma. And if she occupied, then just a little bit, in the very corner. So that nothing depends on her.
Because in fact, the Russian authorities, starting since the 1990s, when the years of the collapse of the communist system have been well memorable, has been panickically afraid of liberal politicians and political forces: being a clear minority in the elite, liberal and democratic politicians and public leaders of the 1980s were able to organize and head the political movement that destroyed the CPSU monopoly.
The heirs of monopoly power (namely, now the “United Russia”, which did not hide their monopoly claims) learned this lesson.
The liberals were perceived and perceived by them primarily as a source of danger.
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In approximately the same scheme, the Union of Right Forces was built in the late 1990s, from the fragments of which, in fact, the “right business” grew. The creation of the new party was also attended by the Prochrevsky “civilian power” with the impotent democratic party of Russia.
Despite the fact that the ATP had one or two bright leaders, at least one of which did not look back at the authorities (Irina Khakamad), the general leadership of the party was actually carried out from the Kremlin, which the then party chairman Boris Nemtsov did not particularly resist.
On November 21, President Putin personally spoke at a rally of Prochremlin youth in Luzhniki with fierce criticism of his “right -wing friends”: “And there are no illusions, dear friends! All these people did not leave the political scene. You will find their names among candidates and sponsors of some parties. They want to take revenge, return to power, to the spheres of influence. And gradually restore the oligarchic regime based on corruption and lies. They lie today ... These gentlemen can only one thing, if they return to power, - millions of people will shake again, pockets will score for themselves, but they will do this with their inherent brilliance and cynicism. No one doubts it. "
The main sponsor and political roof of the ATP was Anatoly Chubais, who at the same time headed the State Corporation of the RAO UES of Russia. At one time, Mr. Chubais received the highest permission from Vladimir Putin to finance the party. On his own orders, he finished: Vladimir Putin expressed doubt that the financing by Chubais ATP is not entirely correct, thereby giving it to understand that the project “ATP” is completed.
And he was immediately completed. This happened in 2007 at a meeting of the Valdai Club, where Putin, in fact, admitted that Anatoly Borisovich was financing the ATP with his, Vladimir Vladimirovich, approval: “The fact that Chubais remains the head of RAO UES is hidden support from the state of this“ right -wing power ”, as it is called, the Union of Right Forces.”
Chubais, in turn, claimed that he was financing the “Union of Right Forces” as a private person (!) And almost jokingly said that as soon as he retired, he would lead the ATP personally. But at the first team, the boss stopped the party’s financing.
Later, the leadership of the ATP noted that the continuous “altruism” of Mr. Chubais actually played a cruel joke: knowing that the party is financed from the pocket of the head of RAO “UES”, no one wanted to connect to the sponsorship of the ATP, they say, they have enough money. And when Chubais left, there was no one left with whom the ATP would have established financial relations.
It is unlikely that all this is a simple combination of circumstances.
The public potential of the ATP in case of turning it into a real opposition Putin party was quite high in Russia. But the bar to which the current power allowed the party was strictly observed.
For this, the party received a stable media “overlight”, the relative welfare of the leadership, often promising positions and posts.
But when the ATP in the 2007 elections received in the State Duma (the official interest of the Russian cycs should not be trusted in anyone, but they are also indicative as a result of the systematic efforts of the authorities) the result of less than one percent, the authorities became clear that the manual opposition died right in her hands.
Overdid it with an overlap of oxygen.
The patient died, long live the patient!
In 2008, it was decided to carry out the reform of the party “right-Kremile” movement.
That is how the “right business” appeared. Until the elections, the "mayor" were outside the attention of television cameras and state power, but the time came - and the construction of a fictitious right -wing opposition began with an increased pace.
The latest results of United Russia, which in the March elections of 2011, did not gain 50 percent in most regions in which the vote took place in the March elections of 2011.
Feeling the growth of opposition sentiments, the authorities decided to create a younger partner from the “right -handed” elections to the State Duma for “United Russia”. Before the “right business” they will probably set the task of pulling the loyal to power, but not accepting the United Russia of the electorate, as well as attract Russians who sympathize with liberal ideas, of which there are actually a lot. And if they come to the polls, then for United Russia they will not vote under any circumstances.
It is unacceptable for the Kremlin and the White House if these voters vote for a party representing a real opposition. Unless, of course, these are generally allowed for the elections.
Accordingly, liberal voters will present a bright and financially wealthy trick.
In the last Tuesday, information was extended that the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation actually resolved the issue of refusing to register the Party of Freedom (Parnassus), headed by Mikhail Kasyanov, Boris Nemtsov and Vladimir Ryzhkov. According to the independent newspaper, the negative response of the registration service is likely to be based on the fact that errors and incorrect data on ordinary party members were found in the information about the regional branches of the party. Now in the regional departments of this structure there are checks. Employees of the Ministry of Justice question the party members about past party conferences.
We have passed all this more than once.
The current government continues to purposefully “kill” all potential leaders of the real opposition, starting with complete media isolation and ending with direct repressive measures.
None of the liberal parties, except for the Kremlin’s “right -handed business”, receives lighting in state and winding media. Over the past decade (and the situation with the arrival of President Dmitry Medvedev has not changed), no attempt at the dialogue with the real opposition has not even been undertaken, and this suggests that with the existing political system the real strong right -wing political movement in Russia is impossible. Its development simply will not be allowed.
Those liberal forces that will not be ready to turn into a manual opposition will be removed from the political field.
A model is possible that will repeat the situation with the modern Russian left movement. The well -playing role of the main opposition, but not in fact, is not ready and not wanting to take power of the Communist Party of the Communist Party for ten years, carefully holding its own ambitions and potential for ten years. The fact that the second largest party in the country deliberately continues to retain its leader of a person (Gennady Zyuganov-Auth.), Having a high anti-rating and repeling the majority of the young and middle-aged electorate, indicates the absence of any large-scale claims in the struggle for deputy mandates. Therefore, the Communists are not at all afraid to look ridiculous, declaring the creation of a “popular militia” in response to the construction of the “Popular Front”.
Another left -wing party - “Fair Russia” - was completely created as the dispersal of the votes of the left voters and their distraction from the Communist Party, and not as a real political force.
After all, one of the main tasks of the current government is still the creation of an illusion of a multi-party system in Russia. In the presence of such an illusion, Vladimir Putin will not be accused of usurpation of the authorities that in the face of the West it is unpleasant even for him. The scenario of the creation of a two -party system in the type of American type is not considered either - after all, then the party in power can get a real opponent who is ready and able to take power.
The illusion of a multi -party system allows you to show "examples of democracy" in the absence of democracy.
The role of such an example on the right political flank will be played by a new “right business”.
Other parties professing liberal values have practically no opportunity to get into the Russian parliament. And after all, the acting power is not at all the political views of representatives of the real right -wing movement.
It scares that someone can begin to tell the truth. Namely, with the speaking of truth, the political monopoly ends.
Denis Kamalyagin
1 Mikhail Prokhorov - a Russian entrepreneur and manager, billionaire, president of the ONEXIM Group, General Director of the Pole Gold OJSC. Among the main assets controlled by Prokhorov (as of December 2010) are large shares in the UC Rusal raw materials, Polyus Gold, Integeo, the energy company “Quadra” and others. Possessing a personal fortune of $ 13.4 billion, in 2010 he occupied 2 richest businessmen of Russia (according to the version of Forbes magazine). In 2011, Prokhorov moved to the third line of the rating of the richest people in Russia (according to Forbes magazine), his fortune is estimated at $ 18 billion.